The present times appear to be not only exciting, but also bizarre. Has it anything to do with the Lok Sabha elections or even its sheer mention? Because, all crucial protagonists, either in the government or in the Congress, have come out with most unambiguous and emphatic announcement that elections will be held on time. But even then, there are forces who do realise that in any case elections will take place within a year or so.

Therefore, there is a sense of despair in some of the actions that RSS/ BJP embark upon. And the most bizarre of these was on evidence on March 9. Unprecedented as it was, the CPM headquarters in New Delhi was attacked by the goons. They came unannounced and clandestinely disembarking from more than a dozen private cars, they started pelting stones which apparently had been brought with them.

They did not carry any party flags or banners. They were allegedly from the Hindu Manch, a little known organisation which is usually used by the hindutva forces whenever they have to indulge in something as outrageous as this. Great concern for Hindus indeed! But if there was any doubt of the real identity of those who perpetrated such an assault on the headquarters of a nationally recognised political party, within an hour, the news channels put at rest all speculations. Right from the RSS spokesperson the entire BJP started defending this action.

But the question arises why the RSS-BJP continues to display this fascist trend. Howsoever the BJP may be protesting, it remains the only political party which is not accountable to its membership but to the RSS. The RSS continues to be a structure where the leadership is not decided by the membership but is handed down by the supreme leader – Sarsangh Chalak.

Given the inherent nature of this combine, the importance of keeping constant vigil against them was a prerequisite for safeguarding democracy in the country. And the 2004 elections was a critical watershed in this battle.

Did anybody from the right even in their worst nightmares think that Vajpayee would not be back in south block after 2004? With the pro-globalisation policies in place and the most perverted expression of neoliberalism, “Shining India” blaring out in its full glory in the corporate media who would think that psychologists would go wrong?

But here is the significance of the CPM. That anti-communal votes should not be divided – that a secular government must be formed – and the Left presence must be enhanced in the parliament so that there can not be any unilateral advance of the neoliberal policies – was the election platform which CPM espoused. Whether by design or otherwise, this is precisely what happened.

The first hope of the RSS of a third term for Vajpayee was dashed. The second hope that the RSS nourished was that this secular government would not go the full term but this also has not fructified. The third was – in their over anxiety to sustain the UPA government, the CPM and the Left will compromise their basic pro-people policy  positions.   

The threat was very real on the issue of nuclear deal and the possible ramifications on entire gamut of issues pertaining to economic, strategic and foreign policy questions. But the firmness and, at the same time, flexibility of the CPM and the Left has averted the unilateral course that the government attempted. So, the frustration of the saffron crowd is pulpable! 

There are vital issues of political strategy of the hindutva forces withstand blocked by the political and ideological stance of the Left. The experience of the Jan Sangh days had moved the Sangh towards a coalition tactics in order to expand their mass base. Using the traditional anti-Congress position of a number of regional parties – the RSS egged on the BJP to befriend these forces so that ultimately they could be devoured  by the saffron forces. 

But the position of the CPM and its campaign has been that the policies of the Congress cannot be fought in the company of the BJP – and the BJP is worse because alongwith the overall similarity in economic policy orientation, their aggressive communal platform is a major impediment to people’s aspirations.

Therefore, though not yet physically present in a big way in North India and some other parts of the country, the RSS correctly recognised the CPM as a major bulwark against its fascistic and communal machinations. Kannur violence was just a smokescreen. Because, in Kannur, as well as in Kerala, since the assumption of the LDF in office, about 13 leaders and activists of the CPM have been killed in an attempt at targeted individual elimination.
Only when faced with resistance in Kannur, they are trying to cry hoarse. 

No doubt, peace will descend in Kannur and Kerala. But the battle of democracy against fascism – of peace against violence of the type that RSS/ BJP wants to perpetrate – and harmony and amity against communal hatred that the sangh spews will carry on.

The positive feature is – as the discussion in the Parliament has shown – there will be a broad array of political forces who will be pitted against the hindutva forces on this question. 

(The writer is a Central Secretariat member of the CPM.)