When I read the book written by Manohar Malgonkar I wondered why books are still written and debates still rage on themes, the relevance of which, is being increasingly questioned. Subhas Bose and Gandhi are two key stars of our freedom struggle who continue to occupy headlines; I, for one, fail to understand this.

Gandhiji, in particular, was a universally acknowledged national leader but even his relevance to modern days is beginning to be debated. As for Subhas Bose, his role has been questioned by political and regional factions. To repeat an old cliché, ‘you may like them or hate them but you cannot ignore them’.

The fact that Malgonkar’s book is into its 11th edition since 1978 indicates that there are many whose curiosity about that fateful January 30th still runs unabated.

The book, to put it bluntly, is an updated rehash of the earlier editions but with additional information, documents and pictures. These were withheld for many years as the sources of this information were mainly the three accused in the Gandhiji assassination case who underwent life sentences.

It was after their release and much persistent effort from Malgonkar that they began to speak freely and make documents available. Until then the information and the motivation to pursue Malgonkar’s investigation came from the report of the Kapur Commission.

The Nehru Memorial Library and National Archives have also contributed to this edition. This edition contains copies of airtickets used by the assassins in their travels to plot their moves, their hotel bills, pictures of connected venues and such other documents that are bound to interest those with a sense of history and still see mystery in the whole saga of the Gandhiji murder.

What could have been

For me this book is a reminder of what could have been and what need not have happened in this country. The continuing and festering Kashmir problem was a joint gift from Maharaja Hari Singh and the controversial roles of Lord Mountbatten and the then British C-in-C of the Indian Army, General Lockhart. The wavering of Nehru and Patel at the time of the ‘tribal’ assault on Kashmir was also a factor in that an undiluted military strategy would have ensured that the Kashmir issue was never born.

It is also ironic that Gandhiji fell to a bullet fired by a fanatical Hindu who shared the view with thousands of other Hindus that Gandhiji secretly favoured Muslims.

It was unfortunate that while Hindu and Muslim refugees were crossing the borders in panic, Gandhiji made one final effort to send the Hindu refugees back to Pakistan hoping then that the Muslim refugees could return to India and all would be well. This added fuel to the already ignited anger of the Hindu fanatics.

 While Godse and Apte were found guilty of conspiracy and murder and hanged, one has to concede that the motivation was the strength of their feelings and a genuine sense of the Hindus having been wronged by Gandhiji. This was what I was reminded of when I read the final submission of Godse at the conclusion of the proceedings of the court that sentenced him. It is one of the most powerful (yet totally devoid of arrogance), humble (yet filled with a feeling of rightness in what he did) articulations that have come my way.

The book served to take me back to the years immediately preceding independence  when as a young school student I also wore a tricolour badge and walked out of school with others. At that time it was a mission of which most of us did not recognise the depth  and dimension. Now, so many years into our independence, I would love to be told by Gandhiji, Nehru or someone of that era whether there is any resemblance in today’s India to the land of their dreams.

The book is well worth reading which, in a manner of speaking, keeps alive the mystery of  how even an apostle of peace and non-violence was felled by one who openly acknowledged in the special court his respect for Gandhiji and his principles.