This week’s US Congressional hearing and publication of a 15-page report on the operations of private security contractor Blackwater USA are certain to increase pressure on the Bush administration to review its policy of employing mercenaries in Iraq. Although they have taken part in many colonial wars — notably, the 18th century conquest of India and the US revolutionary war — mercenaries have generally had a bad reputation.

Blackwater operatives are considered to be ill disciplined “cowboys” by Iraqis and visitors to that country.
Blackwater began working in Baghdad in August 2003 on a no-bid contract negotiated by US Viceroy L Paul Bremer III who renewed and enlarged the services provided in a second contract reached in June 2004. Bremer also decreed that US mercenaries are not subject to Iraqi law. This means that, unlike US troops who are governed by military laws and regulations, mercenaries are answerable to no one. There are now more than 100 private security contractors operating in Iraq and tens of thousands of gunmen operating without legal oversight.

Blackwater was established in 1996 by Erik Prince, a former US Navy SEAL with powerful Republican Party connections and a generous contributor to the Republican coffers. Blackwater has its own paramilitary base in North Carolina, 20,000 trained soldiers, armoured troop carriers and 20 aircraft. The firm also employs former officials of the current Bush administration and State Department and enjoys their protection.

An incident in Baghdad, on September 16, has projected Blackwater into the headlines and made the investigation of its activities urgent. On that day its operatives killed 17 Iraqis and wounded 24, prompting the Iraqi government to call for the withdrawal of all Blackwater’s 861 staff from the country, except those involved. Washington’s refusal to take Iraqi concerns into account was demonstrated by the return to duty of Blackwater gunmen four days after the killings. The Bush administration’s attitude has undermined the credibility of the already weak Maliki government which is blamed for allowing the company to continue operating. By resuming Blackwater’s services, the administration risks another major shooting incident, exacerbating Iraqi official and popular outrage.

Blackwater is infamous for deadly firings. The Congressional committee has examined 437 Blackwater incident reports as well as similar documents from other major security contractors.

Blackwater is legally and contractually bound to only engage in defensive use of force. In practice, however, the vast majority of Blackwater weapons discharges are pre-emptive, with Blackwater forces firing first at a vehicle or suspicious individual prior to receiving any fire. The firm’s personnel admit to involvement in 195 incidents in Iraq from January 1, 2005, through September 12, 2007, an average of 1.4 shootings a week, although former Blackwater employees say firings average 4-5 a week. On 32 occasions, Blackwater gunmen returned fire after an attack but in 163 incidents, they shot first. Furthermore, most of the incidents of weapons fire take place while Blackwater personnel are in moving vehicles which flee the scene. Compensation paid by the firm has been derisory and no Blackwater employees have been prosecuted although 122 have been dismissed, 28 for weapons-related incidents, one for threatening Iraqis, 25 for drug and alcohol abuse, 10 for aggressive behaviour, and 16 for “inappropriate/lewd conduct”.

The Congressional report asks whether the administration’s “reliance on private military contractors is a wise use of taxpayer funds”. Blackwater bills the government $1,222 a day for every gunman, or $4,45,891 a year. This outlay is “six to nine times greater” than salaries, housing and perks for an army sergeant who receives $51,100-$69,350 per year. Furthermore, Blackwater has been caught double billing the government for drivers and gunmen who are “the same individuals”. Blackwater’s payments in Iraq total $832 million, so far, and are capped at $1.2 billion.