A country’s foreign policy must arise from its self-interest and recognise the country’s strategic situation and the external context. Non-alignment was the policy of weak India being pressed by two super powers to join their respective blocs. It worked very well. Between 1955 and 1971 India received 50 million tonnes of foodgrains from the US.

India was the largest recipient of food aid from the US at the same time that we were the leaders of non-alignment. Similarly we received economic aid from 1951 to 2006, according to US estimates, of $14 billion (equivalent at current prices to $ 57 billion). When in 1962, China invaded India, we sought American military aid. We also imitated the Soviet model of a command and control economy, emphasising heavy industry versus consumer goods, and aiming at distributive justice.

Government controlled almost every decision in the private sector. The August 1971 Treaty with the Soviet Union was about military assistance and kept the US from intervening directly in East Pakistan. However, our tilt towards the Soviet Union was older; we did not protest their invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Non-alignment enabled India to cultivate an air of moral superiority and preach to the world.

After the end of the Cold War, closer links started with US as our largest investor and trade partner. The opening of the Indian economy in 1991 grew the economy far faster than before. Indians reached the top in the US, became a powerful Indian lobby, leadership in information technology enhanced our image.

The nuclear bomb explosions of 1998, consequent sanctions, Indian economy’s weathering them easily, led to the Clinton and Bush administrations to recognising India as a nuclear power to balance the growing might of China. It soothed Japan, South Korea and ASEAN.

China is a major trading partner and will become more so. It is also an ambitious country who might at any time use military might externally so as to dilute the growing disaffection within China. We learnt from past experience that the US cannot be trusted to keep commitments. The same can be said about Russia of today. It went back on contracts to supply the Sukhoi aircraft and the refurbished aircraft carrier, Admiral Gorshkov, at agreed prices and delivery schedule.

We have also to face fundamentalist Islam rising above nationhood. India is the largest victim of Islamic terror in the world. We need all possible external support to anticipate fundamentalist terror and to counter it. Growing instability among Muslim countries on our borders is another factor to influence our foreign policies. The inevitable collapse of feudal regimes in West Asia is a threat to Indian energy and military security.

Our foreign policy must delicately walk through this maze of Islamic countries while improving conditions for Indian Muslims. We must continue pressing our self-interest by maintaining our new cordial relations with Israel and use them to improve conditions for Palestinians, a major cause of Muslim disaffection.

Prakash Karat objects to our increasing economic and military closeness to the US, an apparent ganging up against China, deepening collaboration with Israel, diminishing support to the Palestine cause and friendship with Arab countries, and the vote against Iran at the IAEA. Closeness to the US, our largest economic partner, with many prospering Indians, does not make India an American lapdog.

China poses a threat to us and a nuclear arsenal will keep it from disturbing stability in the region. Israel supplies vital weapons and technology we cannot get elsewhere, banned by American sanctions after our bomb. But we must be more forthright in our support for the Palestine cause and engage with Israel on it. We cannot encourage a nuclear Iran, given also Iran’s position in exporting terror to other countries.  

India must become economically powerful and eliminate poverty. Economic growth must be our paramount goal. This demands a secure external environment and military strength. Nuclear weapons give it to us. We must restrict its availability and use. This is selfish but our self-interest must come first. We must meanwhile push for universal nuclear disarmament.

Our economic development demands secure energy supplies. Indian coal is a major carbon emitter. We will be under great pressure to use less coal. Our people’s health also requires this. Our gas reserves are growing rapidly. We must develop and use all clean energy technologies and invest in research for improving coal efficiencies. We must make maximum use of renewables like bio mass and go all out to use wind and solar power. Nuclear energy in the Bush-Manmohan Singh agreement is about our energy security. But it will not meet our huge needs for energy. It is obviously not the prime reason for the Bush-Singh agreement.

The unstated core purpose of the agreement must be the recognition by the US of India as a nuclear power entitled to fuel, equipment and technology supplies to make India a counterbalance to China. The Communist parties with their allegiance to China are against all this. The BJP by not claiming credit for what they began is foolish and hypocritical. Indian foreign policy has undergone dramatic changes. Neither the Communists nor the BJP can reverse them.