The western world’s suspicion of Russia far predates Communism, and Vladimir Putin’s approach to democracy gives the impression that fear of the Bear in the East may yet continue awhile.

When Napoleon invaded Russia, British politicians sighed in relief, knowing that two great powers would be tied up for a while. Both as the Communist Republic and as a monarchy before that, Russia was intensely imperial and its possessions abroad were a matter of national pride. It was then inevitable, after the break-up of the Soviet Union and economic collapse, that Russia would experience a loss of self-confidence as a world player.

But now it is clear that self-confidence is restored. Russia and its president, Vladimir Putin, take part in international diplomacy with a confidence unimaginable in any other democracy. Democracy isn’t yet in the DNA of Russian society and President Putin wears it like an overcoat that can be trimmed and reshaped to suit his purpose. The executive power of the presidency under Putin is reminiscent of an imperial ruler. Regional governors are now appointed by the president instead of by election; there is little in the way of critical media, opposition politicians are harassed by the state.

This is reflected also in Russia’s international relations. It is happy to threaten international companies with the revocation of licences or with other financial and legal barriers regardless of previous agreements — the US-based BP has recently felt the rough end of Russian policy. President Putin had no qualms in turning off Ukraine’s gas supply in midwinter — January 2006. And perhaps more chilling, Russia will not allow the suspected murderer of Alexander Litvinenko to be extradited to Britain for trial. Putin-opposing Litvinenko was murdered with a poison that could only have been sourced in a country that has advanced nuclear technology in facilities that are necessarily subject to high security. If the murderer wasn’t a tool of the Russian state, the murder weapon almost certainly was once the property of the Russian state.

Russia begins belligerent border patrols with warplanes. Russia makes a dash to claim the North Pole as sovereign territory. Russia announces a build-up of military strength and increased arms spending. And all the time, with the help of tame domestic media, Vladimir Putin remains the most popular leader in the world — in his own nation.

The US-led west was for many years fixated with Communism as the great enemy, and in recent years this focus has turned to religious fundamentalism as the new enemy. The state that cares little for independent judiciary, media or a healthy political opposition. It is these institutions that the international community must nurture in that country if we are to contain the newly-confident and energetic Russian Bear.
Guardian