Will work for Tibet freedom, says Lobsang Sangay

Born a refugee in a Tibetan settlement in Darjeeling in 1968 and having grown up in West Bengal and Delhi, he has witnessed many of India’s intense elections. It may seem ironical that a man, who never got to vote or contest an election, has won the Prime Ministerial election in Tibet- an office which the Dalai Lama now wants to pass on to members of his community. The 43-year-old has just been elected as ‘Kalon Tripa’ or Prime Minister of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. In his first interview after being elected as the Kalon Tripa, Sangay – a Fulbright scholar and Senior Fellow at Harvard Law School – talks to Anirban Bhaumik of Deccan Herald about Dalai Lama’s efforts to democratise the community, his priorities as the head of the Government-in-Exile, and the future course of the struggle for the cause of Tibet.

How do you feel after being elected as Kalon Tripa – an office, which is now all the more important after Dalai Lama decided to relinquish political leadership of the community?

I am deeply humbled by the faith the Tibetans, who participated in our recent Kalon Tripa elections, have placed in me. I ran on a platform where my three core principles were unity, innovation and self-reliance. So, in keeping with that spirit, I would first of all like to acknowledge the positive and excellent campaign of the other two candidates, Tenzin Namgyal Tethong and Tashi Wangdi. It was a privilege to run against two distinguished public servants with a long record of service in the Tibetan community.

I view my election as an affirmation of the far-sighted policies that His Holiness the Dalai Lama put in place and as another important step towards the realization of his vision of a truly democratic Tibetan society, both in exile and inside Tibet. I believe the successful conduct of the recent Tibetan Kalon Tripa (prime ministerial) and parliamentary elections and the active participation of the Tibetans in the elections is a huge moral victory. The Chinese government and leadership for all its might still lack the courage to allow Tibetans in Tibet the right to freely elect their leaders. The Tibetan Diaspora now covers over 30 countries and I had a chance to visit many of these countries, including most of the Tibetan settlements in India. I still remember vividly many of the interactions I had during the campaign and, as I prepare to assume this important position of responsibility, I am reminded of the hopes and aspirations of many Tibetans I met on the campaign trail. I would like to convey to all Tibetans that I will do my best to live up to the faith and trust they have placed on me.

I, also, want to take this opportunity to thank Samdhong Rinpoche for his strong and steady leadership of 10 years as our Kalon Tripa (Prime Minister). Yes, I am assuming leadership responsibilities against the backdrop of His Holiness making a magnanimous gesture and deciding to devolve all political authority to elected Tibetan representatives. However, His Holiness will always be my leader. I take great comfort from the fact that this transition is happening with His Holiness still around as our revered leader and available to guide and watch over us. As the Head of the Government-in-Exile, I will represent and reflect the political aspiration of the Tibetan people and be their spokesman.

What are your priorities as the Head of the Government-in-Exile?

The top priority is and will always be to restore freedom in Tibet, so that Tibetans inside Tibet can have their identity and dignity restored and respected. The other priority areas are: enhancing investment in education, broadening engagement with the international and Chinese community on the issue of Tibet, elevating the global importance of Tibet's environment, improving the economic well being of Tibetans and Tibetan settlement camps, and further strengthening our ties with India and the Indian people.

We will make maximum efforts to ensure that all Tibetans have access to high quality modern education, but one that is also anchored in our culture and spirituality. We want to create pathways for Tibetans to become successful professionals in a wide range of fields. We would like to broaden and find new ways of engaging with the international community, Chinese and Indian people on the issue of Tibet. We will keep a close eye on China's policy with regards to Tibet's ecosystem and restoration and protection of Tibet's pristine natural environment, and will advocate for Tibetans to get more actively involved in the management of Tibet's ecosystem and natural resources. With limited agrarian income, there is an urgent need to explore feasible options towards sustainable economy and employment within the Tibetan community.

How do you view the evolution of democracy in the exiled community of Tibetans?

On September 2, 2010, the exiled Tibetans celebrated 50 years since His Holiness declared democracy for Tibetans in 1960. The achievements since 1960 have indeed been impressive. As part of democratic reforms, the Dalai Lama, in 1991, announced the “Charter for Tibetans in Exile”, which, amongst other things, expanded the Tibetan Parliament in Exile and empowered its members to appoint the Kashag or Cabinet. In 2000, His Holiness instituted another reform, requiring exiled Tibetans to directly elect their Prime Minister with full administrative power. We just went through a successful general election, where around 60% of the registered voters participated to choose their candidates for the Kalon Tripa and Tibetan Parliament.

His Holiness’ desire to modernise Tibetan political system predates Chinese occupation of Tibet. He has always held the belief that a system of governance dependent on one person or party is inherently unstable and that democracy is the most representative system of governance. It is now up to the Tibetan people to embrace this new democracy responsibly. Of course, all this is happening under a pall of sadness, as Tibetans inside Tibet do not enjoy any freedom of conscience, speech and human rights. Our process of transition towards democracy will not be complete until Tibetans in Tibet are able to participate as well.

India has been a great teacher for Tibetans at multiple levels, and His Holiness and Tibetans have adopted many of the good democratic practices in India.  It is India’s democracy that makes it different from another rising power, China. We believe democracy will be a key contributing factor in India’s long-term supremacy.

Will Dalai Lama’s decision to retire from political leadership help foil the purported plan of the Chinese Government to fizzle out the Tibetans’ struggle in the aftermath of his demise?

I don't interpret the retirement proposal that way. I believe His Holiness made the decision after long and careful consideration, and it is very consistent with his effort to wean the Tibetan people away from relying too much on one individual and ensuring that the Tibetan movement and community remains robust in the long run. Beijing has always criticised our democratic progress in exile and has accused His Holiness of continuing to lead a feudal theocratic society. Now that all political and administrative power is in the process of being transferred to elected Tibetan representatives, it will be much harder for China to make that criticism. His Holiness has repeatedly said that the problem of Tibet is the problem of the rights and freedom of the six million Tibetans, and not about the question of the Dalai Lama’s status.

You grew up in India and might have seen many Indian elections from a close quarter for many years. How was the experience for you when you finally contested an election?

Yes, it is hard not be influenced by the Indian electoral system and how parties and leaders canvass for support. There is something so vibrant in all the color, candidates and their backgrounds and the broad spectrum of views represented. I used to listen to some of the speeches on television and watched from far the politicians receiving the adulation of the masses. However, nothing that I was exposed to prepared me for the recent Tibetan prime ministerial elections. Usually a politician has a defined geographic boundary to cover. It is your district, state or country. However, the Tibetan Diaspora community is scattered across over 30 countries. So, I ended up visiting several countries and Tibetan communities living across many time zones. It was hard from a physical standpoint with all the traveling involved including some to very remote corners where transportation facilities were not all that good. Also, grassroots election campaigning is a new phenomenon in the Tibetan community. So, one could never directly ask for someone’s vote. You ask just by showing up. I enjoyed the relative civility in which the campaigns were run and the most wonderful experience were the interactions I had with average Tibetans from all walks of life and the opportunity to educate myself of their issues and challenges.

This year’s Kalon Tripa election – unlike the previous ones – was very intensely contested and people of the exiled community took keen interest in it. How do you view this?

The recent Kalon Tripa elections and the campaigning by all the candidates was unprecedented. It was a Tibetan blend of Indian and American-style elections. The level of enthusiasm from both the electorate and candidates has never been witnessed in past elections.  Of course we had a few glitches with Tibetans living in Nepal and Bhutan not being able to participate in the elections. I hope the governments of these two countries will reconsider their policies and respect and uphold the fundamental right of Tibetans to expression and association. While such level of enthusiasm is wonderful, it also means that our electoral policies and the infrastructure we have in place must be current and able to cope with the increased demand and interest.

As you take over as the next Kalon Tripa, it also marks a generational shift in Tibetan political leadership? How do you look at this transition as a young Tibetan?

The transition reflects deep trust shown by elders and their conviction that the new generation can shoulder the responsibility of taking the movement and community forward while bearing in mind the many sacrifices and hard work of our elders in the last five decades.

The Tibetan movement and community are in the middle of some momentous changes. Along with the generational shift in Tibetan political leadership, we also have to deal with His Holiness’ decision to devolve all political authority to the elected Tibetan representatives. His Holiness is irreplaceable. He is and will always remain my leader. The new situation we are entering into will be challenging to say the least. However, if we could look at things positively such dramatic changes are happening as per the vision of His Holiness and while he is still healthy and available for counseling and guidance.

Besides, we have many elders in our community with experience and long institutional memory of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. I plan to include some of our elders and senior leaders in my cabinet and will reach out to others for advice. I am also confident that the democratic institutions and government we have in place will help sustain the Tibetan movement and help us successfully cope with the transition. I will take my role as head of the government diligently and represent Tibetan people as effectively as I can.

With a committee of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile redrafting the Tibetan Charter, it seems the biggest question that confronts it is to maintain the legitimacy of the Tibetan Government in Exile for the Tibetans in Tibet, in the aftermath of His Holiness Dalai Lama’s decision to give up the political leadership of the community. What is your view?

First of all, His Holiness, during a long life ceremony offered by the Tibetan Government in Exile on April 22 has pledged to fully support the results of the Kalon Tripa elections. Secondly, the current transition and all related activities are proceeding according to his Holiness’ wishes. These two points are important because the new Tibetan Government in Exile will continue to receive His Holiness’ support and that is a big source of its legitimacy. Furthermore, Tibetans in Tibet closely followed the recent Kalon Tripa elections. Though they were not able to cast their votes, they expressed their support by holding prayers, lighting butter lamps and even fireworks during both rounds of the Kalon Tripa elections. I know they will welcome the results of the election and that we’ll have their support. Tibetans living inside and outside Tibet are separated not by choice but by force. We are one family. This urge to be together is evident by the fact that thousands try to flee over the borders every year as during the 2008 Uprising for freedom across Tibet.

How do you view the future course of Tibetans’ struggle for ‘Genuine Autonomy’? Is there any possibility of ‘Genuine Autonomy’ being replaced by ‘Independence’ as the ultimate goal of the community’s struggle?

Under international law, it can be argued that Tibet was an independent nation and is entitled to self-determination as per 1961 UN General Assembly in 1961. However, the Middle Way or seeking “genuine autonomy within China” is the official policy of the Tibetan Government in Exile as per three resolutions passed by the Tibetan Parliament and by views expressed by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Whoever is the Kalon Tripa should implement the existing policy of the Tibetan Government in Exile and I for one will do that.

Could there be a ‘jasmine revolution’ for the cause of Tibet?

Firstly, I want to express my solidarity with the Egyptian people who came together for the sake of change and democracy, during the jasmine revolution. With regards to whether something similar will unfold inside Tibet, I am reminded of 2008, when Tibetans all over Tibet rose up in the largest and most widespread uprising against Chinese rule since 1959. We cannot encourage revolutions inside Tibet, as that would be tantamount to putting lives at risk, given Chinese Government’s brutality. However, we will stand in solidarity and support our people inside Tibet for their peaceful and non-violent resistance against Chinese rule and policies. The ongoing tragic situation in Ngaba prefecture in Tibet is a reflection of how Tibetans are systemically denied basic freedom by the Chinese authorities. People are understandably frustrated. Under occupation, with political repression, cultural assimilation, economic discrimination and environmental destruction, Tibetans are giving vent to their resentment through various means, including self-immolation, as done by a monk in the Kirti Monastery. The Chinese authority should exercise restraint and handle the situation peacefully, so that there is no further death and destruction.

Can a dialogue with Beijing resolve the issue of Tibet? Has Chinese Government been sincere in the dialogue with Dalai Lama’s envoys in the past?

Dialogue with Beijing is ongoing. I do acknowledge that there are some within our community who are skeptical and frustrated at the lack of progress. If you look at successful non-violent freedom movements led by Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King, dialogue with their adversaries has been one of the key factors in making their movements successful. So, yes, we should keep talking to the Chinese government as we can only resolve the issue of Tibet through dialogue and mutual understanding. So far Beijing has maintained their hard line policy and has failed to recognize the moderate and reasonable gestures by His Holiness on his desire to seek ‘genuine autonomy’ for Tibet.

How do you view India’s stand on the issue of Tibet?

We are deeply grateful to India and the Indian people for their generous hospitality and friendship these last fifty plus years. I know I am speaking for most Tibetans of my generation when I say that being born and raised in India, and sadly never having seen my homeland, I consider India as my second home. I have become the person I am thanks to the education and other opportunities I received in India. I am returning to India after sixteen years in the United States and at Harvard University to follow the ideals of Mahatma Gandhi viewed as one of our Gurus by His Holiness and many Tibetans. I hope India and the Indian Government will support our cause and also continue to provide humanitarian assistance to the Tibetans living in India. Tibet is a critical, political and strategic issue and resolution of this matter serves India’s interests as well.