Shivaji statue on Shaikpet Road, Hyderabad.
Credit: DH PHOTO/SNV SUDHIR
Hyderabad: In the heart of Hyderabad, as one takes a diversion from the old Mumbai highway towards the historic Golconda Fort, a statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji comes into view on the Shaikpet Road. More than just stone and metal, the statue represents a profound shift happening in Telangana's culture and politics.
Across towns and villages in India's youngest state, the Maratha king's statue is in high demand these days. Beyond the fact that Shivaji's Maratha kingdom once bordered the regions ruled by Qutub Shahis and Nizam, Telangana has little direct historical connection with Shivaji. Yet, the Maratha icon, who was once a regional figure, has evolved into a powerful symbol of Hindu identity in the state.
Not just mere statues, Shivaji's birth anniversary has transformed from a modest commemoration to a vibrant calendar event, particularly in the regions bordering Maharashtra. More than historical remembrance, they signify a strategic cultural positioning, analysts feel.
"Shivaji perfectly fits the caste and communal narrative that the BJP and its Hindutva affiliates are trying to build in Telangana," says noted political analyst Telakapali Ravi. "If you visit statue-making workshops in Telangana these days, you will find ready-made Shivaji statues of varied sizes. The demand is high—it's essentially a 'politics of culture'," Ravi tells DH.
Noted historian and archeologist E Sivanagi Reddy provides some historical context. While Shivaji's direct connection to Telangana is limited, historical evidence suggests he spent a significant time in the region. Around 1674 to 1677, he reportedly visited Srisailam, spending a month in meditation and receiving darshan of the presiding deities. The north gopuram of the Srisailam temple is still called the Shivaji gopuram, Sivanagi Reddy tells DH. A memorial called Shivaji Dhyana Kendra was built to commemorate the 300th year of his coronation in the 1970s in Srisailam.
The Maratha king's purported background as a leader from the Backward Classes (BC) community makes his legend resonate in Telangana, especially in the northern region where the BJP has been rapidly expanding its base. From zero presence, the party now holds six Lok Sabha and seven Assembly seats in north Telangana.
Senior journalist A Satish Kumar says there is a direct correlation between the proliferation of Shivaji statues and the BJP's growing influence, especially in northern Telangana. "Even in small towns like Dubbaka, you will now find tens of Shivaji statues of different sizes," he notes.
"These statues serve multiple purposes. They become meeting points for local youth and serve as symbolic reminders of Hindu identity. For aspiring politicians, the continuous waving of saffron flags beside these statues reinforces a specific cultural narrative in their areas," Kumar says. He adds that in many instances politicians fund installation of these statues, which the local youth want to have.
This transformation is not without friction. Statue installations have triggered tensions, particularly between Dalit organisations and Hindutva groups comprising Other Backward Class (OBC) communities. An example would be Devanoor village in Vikarabad district, where a conflict over statues nearly turned violent when the Dalits attempted to erect an Ambedkar statue, only to be met with protests demanding a Shivaji statue instead.
The rising prominence of Shivaji in Telangana draws from complex historical narratives. The region's experiences under Muslim Nizam rulers and its proximity to Maharashtra create a receptive environment for this cultural reimagination.
An incident in Bodhan, a small town in Nizamabad district, in 2022 underscores the tension related to this change. The town witnessed clashes between Hindus and Muslims after a Shivaji statue wrapped in saffron cloth was installed overnight by unknown persons. Subsequently, the town was placed under prohibitory orders for over a week.
"If we carefully watch the BJP's way of doing politics and building narratives, especially where Muslims are in sizable numbers, they try for Hindu consolidation. And that is possible in the Nizam-ruled areas, particularly the erstwhile combined districts of Nizamabad, Karimnagar, Medak and Adilabad in north Telangana. Here you see more Shivaji statues coming up in recent years. The statues represent more than historical commemoration — they are deliberate instruments of cultural and political mobilisation," says Ravi.
He adds that by selecting a Backward Class leader who fought a Muslim ruler (Mughal emperor Aurangzeb mostly), these groups (right wing) are constructing a nuanced appeal that transcends traditional religious and caste boundaries.
At the forefront of this effort is the Hindu Vahini, an organisation drawing inspiration from the RSS affiliate Hindu Jagran Manch. The organisation often raises the slogan 'Shivaji Chethulo Kathi Chudu, Hindu Vahini Satha Chudu' (Look at the knife in Shivaji's hand, See the power of Hindu Vahini).
M Yadi Reddy, Hindu Vahini's state organising secretary, claims impressive achievements. In just one year, the outfit facilitated the installation of 700 Shivaji statues. This year, they celebrated the warrior king's birth anniversary in 8,600 villages in the state.
"We are above politics," Yadi Reddy asserts. "Shivaji Maharaj is a national hero. He wanted to establish a Hindu Samrajya. We are only taking forward his ideals of protecting Hindu Dharma. It is because of the presence of Hindu Vahini, we could checkmate many ills like 'Love Jihad' and other aspects wherever the other religion's presence is high. There are instances where in some places even Congress leaders provide funds to youth to install Shivaji statues. They don't have a choice when the local youth want it. We are above politics and not affiliated to any political party. Our sole aim is to protect the Hindu Dharma and propagate the ideals of Shivaji Maharaj,” he tells DH.
As Shivaji statues become a common sight in Telangana, political strategies too are evolving, representing an intricate mixing of cultural representation and social engineering.