Since the general elections of 2019, national and regional parties, especially the Congress party, have increasingly woven social justice into their political narratives, promising empowerment through the constitutional ideals of inclusive governance.
As Bihar gears up for its Assembly elections, the discourse on social justice has again taken centre stage, often built around criticism of the ruling political class for the non-implementation of social justice policies. The central government’s recent announcement to conduct a caste census signals an intent to better understand India’s complex social stratification, aiming to craft targeted welfare policies for the marginalised communities, particularly the Other Backward Classes.
Though the democratic discourse is infatuated with the agenda of social justice, there is a visible gap between rhetoric and reality. The continued marginalisation of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes (SCs/STs) from the sphere of power and privilege raises questions about the commitment of the State and the political elites to bring transformative change in their lives.
The Indian Constitution lays a robust framework for uplifting SCs and STs through three key pillars: protection from social humiliation and exploitation with provisions like the SC/ST Atrocity Act, ensuring safeguards for their social dignity and civic rights.
Second, equitable representation through reservations in State institutions, which allows these groups to avail crucial positions of power and privileges in governance. And last, advancing economic empowerment via dedicated budgetary provisions and policy initiatives. Policy measures such as the special SC/ST component plan in the state budgets were introduced to ensure financial assistance for the economic empowerment of these sections. However, implementation has been inconsistent on all three fronts, often offering tokenistic value, leaving large sections of these communities outside the benefit of social justice policies.
Despite substantive legal safeguards like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, caste-based discrimination persists. The National Crime Records Bureau recorded 57,582 cases of atrocities against SCs and 10,062 against STs in 2022, reflecting deep-rooted systemic oppression. From rural areas, where Dalits face violence for minor assertions of dignity, to urban centres, where discrimination in housing and employment is rampant, caste continues to shape access to opportunities. These incidents underscore the failure to enforce protective measures effectively.
The reservation policy, designed to ensure SC/ST representation in State institutions, has seen uneven progress. While lower-level posts (Group C and D) in public sector units such as railways and banks are often filled, senior positions remain largely inaccessible to marginalised groups.
Especially in higher education, leadership roles such as vice-chancellors and professors are predominantly occupied by unreserved categories, highlighting structural barriers. Similarly, in the higher judiciary, SC/ST representation among judges and key functionaries is negligible, undermining the promise of equitable participation. The downsizing of public sector units has further eroded opportunities for reserved posts, exacerbating economic exclusion.
The Special Component Plan for SCs and STs, which is intended to channel budgetary resources for their economic upliftment, has often been reduced to a symbolic gesture. Funds are frequently underutilised or diverted, with successive governments failing to prioritise these allocations for the substantive welfare of these groups.
Under the current Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government at the centre, this trend has continued, with flagship schemes for the general welfare of all (like the Jan Dhan Yojana) overshadowing the targeted welfare schemes and policies meant for the marginalised groups. There are negligible initiatives to examine the precarious economic conditions of Dalits and introduce effective public policies for their empowerment and mobility.
Beyond symbolism, the path forward
As social justice becomes a rallying cry in India’s electoral politics, its transformative potential remains limited without concrete action. The constitutional framework, though robust, requires rigorous implementation through executive accountability and policy innovation. Political parties must move beyond populist rhetoric and prioritise social justice as a core governance agenda.
While the BJP has pledged to uphold social justice, its decade-long tenure has seen a rise in caste-based violence and a dilution of policies aimed at SC/ST upliftment. Though at the symbolic level it offered prominent gestures (like electing Draupadi Murmu as the President of the country), there is an absence of new initiatives to enhance their representation in public and private sectors.
The growing political rhetoric on social justice shall complement substantive executive orders and a fair implementation of policies. Without a popular movement and mobilisation of the marginalised social groups, the political elites would always hesitate to execute effective programmes for their welfare.
However, the growing marginalisation of Dalits and Adivasis from the national discourse has allowed the traditional elites to dominate the decision-making process and to neglect
the social justice policies. There is a visible failure of the Dalit and Adivasi social and political leadership in coming together on a common platform and building a national debate for effective implementation of constitutional provisions.
The situation underlines an urgent need to amplify the Dalit and Adivasi voices for social justice, enabling new movements to drive a national discourse for policy reforms. A powerful movement for social justice needs to be mobilised under the Dalit-Adivasi autonomy, elevating a bold and assertive leadership to champion the cause.
(The writer is an assistant professor at the Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, JNU, New Delhi)
Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.