The missing ‘Seshan effect’

The tumultuous tenure of T N Seshan as the Chief Election Commissioner was a watershed in the evolution of Indian democracy. For six years, with messianic zeal, he strove for free and fair elections by enforcing laws while warding off threats to the independence of the Election Commission. In the process, he had constant run-ins with politicians in power who wanted the EC to be an appendage of the government. There were several attempts to impeach him and get him out of the way. Although resented by politicians, his reforms earned him enormous public goodwill.

Through The Broken Glass is Seshan’s autobiography published four years after his death. It is his tenure as CEC that he focuses on with 250 pages devoted to it. Hailing from a Palghat Brahmin family, Seshan was a brilliant student. Childhood was all study and no play. After joining IAS in 1955, he started as a sub-collector in Dindigul in Madurai district. He displayed his penchant for going by the rule book quite early.

His term as the district collector of Madurai was eventful. During that time Sheikh Abdullah was under detention in Kodaikanal. As the collector, Seshan had to read all the letters that Abdullah wrote, as part of his duty. Once Abdullah wanted to send a letter to President S Radhakrishnan, and demanded that Seshan pass it on without reading it. He refused and Abdullah went on a fast unto death. Later, Abdullah let him read the letter and broke his fast. 

During his stint at the Atomic Energy Department, Homi Sethna made this remark in Seshan’s confidential report: “He’s aggressive, abrasive and a bully to those under him”. The issue reached Indira Gandhi, who summoned both Seshan and Sethna. Although the remarks were expunged, it was a reputation that he had to live with.

Seshan fondly remembers Rajiv Gandhi who made him secretary in the Department of Forest and Environment and later cabinet secretary. He was also given the responsibility of protecting the PM. Seshan recalls: “There were occasions when I snatched a biscuit almost out of his mouth.’’ He also refers to instances of Rajiv ignoring his advice on security.

Seshan was close to the Kanchi Math. He used to seek Paramacharya’s opinion before taking up major assignments. It was with Paramacharya’s approval that he joined as CEC. When Seshan got a lucrative job offer from the UN, Paramacharya said a firm no. Intrigued, Seshan went to Kanchi to meet his spiritual guru. He sat with Paramacharya for five hours without exchanging a word. The seer dismissed Seshan with a gesture full of affection. Then he realised it was pointless to take up the UN job. He courted controversy for hiring Ambani’s plane to attend Paramacharya’s funeral though he paid Rs 95,000 by cheque. Seshan also dabbled in astrology. He said he was not destined to have children, which turned out to be true. A Bengaluru astrologer predicted that his term as CEC would be like sitting on a bed of thorns.

Seshan says he was a reluctant CEC. From day one, it was a running battle as the steps he initiated to cleanse electoral politics annoyed politicians. He found that long-standing election rules were flouted widely with impunity. CEC’s assertion was that it is the EC that conducts polls, not the government and that the EC has the right to appoint whomever it wants. Enforcing the model code of conduct was a formidable task. It was with the intention to clip his wings that two election commissioners were appointed. His initiatives for cleaning up electoral rolls, countermanding elections won through foul means, counting of votes after mixing of ballots, closer scrutiny of statements of electoral expenses and introduction of voter identity cards were all well received by the public.

For Seshan, CEC was a thankless and an “enemy-making job of taking on the established political leadership.” He had to put up with a barrage of abuse. He was called a megalomaniac and termed dictatorial and whimsical. The public had a different perception. Seshan’s fusillade against self-centred politicians endeared him to the middle class. Several fan clubs emerged. Seshan thoroughly enjoyed this unprecedented popularity. He was good copy material for reporters. He quotes from a New York Times write-up on 10 February 1995: “If a poll were taken to find India’s most admired personality, a strong candidate would be T N Seshan’’.

Readers may be disappointed that Seshan offers little revealing insights into people and events. He avoids any reference to the Emergency, the anti-Sikh riots or the Bhopal gas tragedy. However, this is a valuable read for anyone interested in the ‘Seshan effect’ and a good guide for aspiring civil servants.