JOIN USOnce Jayalalithaa’s favourite, OPS lost relevance through repeated indecisiveness
O Panneerselvam was thrust into the top leadership role—behind ‘Amma’—in the AIADMK when he stood-in for J Jayalalithaa as Tamil Nadu chief minister for five months, and “handed over” the reins in February 2002. When Jayalalithaa had to step down again in 2014—following her conviction in a disproportionate assets case—Panneerselvam, or OPS, was her natural choice to helm the government.
The 71-year-old stepped in to fill the shoes of Jayalalithaa after she passed away on December 5, 2016, following a 75-day hospitalisation. Though he was widely regarded as Jayalalithaa’s favourite, Panneerselvam never demonstrated his influence when he yielded power—thus failed to inspire leaders and cadres of the AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam).
Failed rebellion, plummeting political stock
When he broke his “golden silence” at Marina Beach on the night of February 7, 2017, by raising a banner of revolt against Jayalalithaa’s long-time friend V K Sasikala, everyone thought Panneerselvam had finally arrived as a leader in his own right.
But his newfound popularity was short-lived—despite the mighty Bharatiya Janata Party standing behind him like a rock, and a friendly Governor in C Vidyasagar Rao, OPS could not break Sasikala’s stranglehold over the AIADMK.
Only 11 of the 134 MLAs switched over to his camp.
If only he had succeeded then, the man who dethroned him on Monday, (read Edappadi K Palaniswami) would have been working under him.
A week later, OPS and 10 of his supporters voted against the Palaniswami government, which won the trust vote with 122 votes in favour. From then, he could never defeat Palaniswami, who was his junior in the cabinet and in the party hierarchy.
Slowly losing out to EPS
The Chief Minister’s chair, AIADMK’s chief ministerial candidate in the 2021 state elections, and Leader of Opposition—these were the three big battles that OPS lost to Palaniswami, also known as EPS. On Monday, Panneerselvam’s humiliation was complete, when the faction led by EPS not just relieved OPS from the coordinator’s post, but also expelled him from the AIADMK.
The choices before OPS are limited: he is certain to move the court, and possibly the Election Commission, but that will be a long-drawn battle. OPS should remember that the BJP is no longer in a position to back him fully, with the entire AIADMK siding with Palaniswami. OPS might side with Sasikala, but she hasn’t been able to rally the party behind her after she was released from prison in February 2021.
After the rebellion against Sasikala failed, OPS sought refuge in the AIADMK—then controlled by Palaniswami—but a slew of missteps, and letting down people who supported him during difficult times, led to the gradual decline of his authority within the party.
His actions in the run up to the General Council meeting bordered desperation, as he knocked at the judiciary’s doors seeking a ban on the meeting, a move that further alienated him from the party. And, according to political analysts, OPS supporters breaking into the AIADMK headquarters prompting the DMK government to seal the premises will long be remembered by the cadre.
The Sasikala dilemma
Even as he publicly accused Sasikala of conspiring against Jayalalithaa, OPS had a private meeting with her nephew, T T V Dhinakaran and stayed in touch with the family—he always gave EPS the room to suspect that OPS could turn any day, and become a supporter of Sasikala or her family.
After the party was defeated in the 2021 elections, OPS gave out mixed signals vis-à-vis Sasikala—which didn’t go well among party leaders and cadres. He continued to drop hints that he was ready for a rapprochement with Sasikala, but nothing worked out.
Despite being the coordinator, OPS almost abdicated his responsibility as the party leader by largely being absent from the 2021 election campaign, which EPS single-handedly shouldered and pulled off the AIADMK’s best performance, even in a losing election.
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“After Amma’s death, he kept succumbing to pressure from the EPS faction. It was an open secret in the party that he had no popular support. OPS should have asserted his position at least after the party lost power. He never did and remained aloof,” an AIADMK leader said.
The last nail in the coffin
OPS, though the coordinator, was forced to sign on the dotted line often—he had to affix his signature in marching orders issued to his brother O Raja, and supporter N Pugazhendi, with the party being controlled by EPS.
The only time he asserted his authority was when he put his foot down and demanded one of the two Rajya Sabha seats that the party could win. That rare assertion seems to have sealed his fate at a time OPS believed the “dual leadership” arrangement won’t be disturbed. He was caught “off guard” when supporters of EPS raised the leadership issue in a party meeting on June 14.
“OPS was the Macbeth of the AIADMK post-Jayalalithaa. He was never cut out to take over from Jayalalithaa who chose him as a stand-by CM twice. He became ambitious only once but was pushed by Sasikala. His inconsistency and dilemma vis-à-vis Sasikala brought him where he is today. His choices now are very limited, unless the BJP is willing to adopt him,” senior journalist R Bhagwan Singh told DH.