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A Dhankhar-shaped question around the role of governors

West Bengal governor Jagdeep Dhankhar is stretching his powers to give them a new and a somewhat bizarre dimension in the backdrop of a keen political contest to unseat the ruling TMC
Last Updated 20 November 2019, 08:06 IST

West Bengal Governor Jagdeep Dhankhar has accomplished his mission. Or to put it more precisely, his political mission. In a series of subtle, low-key moves, he has disturbed the state government to such an extent that the ruling party, Trinamool Congress (TMC), has complained about him to Amit Shah, the Union home minister, who appointed him. Mamata Banerjee’s party has raised the issue in Parliament with the protest that 'Rajyapal should not become the Rajnitipal'.

But Dhankhar hasn’t done anything that made headlines in the national media. So, what exactly has he been doing to upset the state government?

Since his appointment as the Governor of Bengal on 30 July, 2019, Dhankhar’s political activities have been so very many that an exhaustive list cannot be provided here. But a few instances will serve to elucidate the point.

In September, the Bengal Governor himself went to Jadavpur University to rescue Babul Supriyo when thousands of students heckled and gheraoed the central minister who was visiting the university to attend an ABVP function. Since the vice chancellor of the university declined to call the police for Babul’s rescue, the Governor asked the VC to resign (though the VC did not oblige).

In October, the state government was stripped of the responsibility of providing security to the governor, which was then handed over to the central paramilitary forces. After this the governor went to attend a series of administrative meetings in various districts with local administrators. No local administrators or secretaries of the government attended the meetings (apparently being instructed by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to avoid the meets). Dhankhar commented on this non-attendance as ‘unconstitutional’ and dubbed it an ‘attempt at censorship’. He again raised the issue of censorship when not shown on news channels (which were telecasting the footage provided by the state government) during the Durga idol immersion carnival.

Meanwhile, the Governor tried to assert his power as the chancellor of different universities of Bengal. He entered into an exchange of words with the state government on the issue of availability of helicopters for him, and is threatening to visit old trouble spots like Singur and Nandigram (for reasons beyond comprehension). In the last fortnight, there was hardly a day when the local media was not reporting the spat between the Governor and the state ministers. All through, however, Dhankhar maintained that there was nothing ‘personal’ in his activities. Most bizzarely, he even visited a hospital to see Abhishek Bannerjee’s (Mamata’s nephew) newborn son!

Nothing that Dhankhar has done so far can be termed as blatantly unconstitutional. But he appears to be doing everything with a motive. He wants to portray a picture of administrative failure of the state government. Whether the picture is true or false is another question. What is pertinent is that his deeds appear to be a sort of anti-government campaign. If it goes on for the next 18 months, it may dent, to some extent, the state government’s image and credibility in the minds of the people.

Of course, Dhankhar is not first governor to stray into political territory. Different governors have played different kinds of mischievous games in the past. During Indira Gandhi’s first inning (1966-1977), when Congress hegemony was seriously challenged by different Opposition parties for the first time, several states were put under President’s rule 39 times after their respective governors recommended imposition of Article 356. The tradition was followed by the Janata Party against Congress-ruled states when it dislodged Indira Gandhi in 1977. Finally, in the 1990s, the Supreme Court and Sarkaria commission defined and restricted the powers of a state’s governor. Since then, any instance of application of Article 356 has become justiciable and also has to be ratified by both houses of Parliament. The Supreme Court has nullified such decisions on quite a few instances in last two-and-a-half decades.

With the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) under Narendra Modi along with all its consequent political churning, the office of the governor has embraced controversies afresh. Governors still have a large role, particularly in deciding which party is to be invited to form the government and the time given to prove majority and so on.

But, Bengal Governor Jagdeep Dhankhar is stretching his powers to give it a new, and somewhat bizarre, dimension. His actions will not come under the purview of judicial scrutiny, but it will politically damage the ruling dispensation. This is not in the spirit of what the constitution, the Supreme Court and the Sarkaria Commission mandated a governor to do.

It is time the governor’s post should be defined in more concrete terms. The post should be defined as a necessary one to check whether a state government is promoting or encouraging nefarious activities aimed at seceding from India, fomenting communal/caste/linguistic riots or contemplating an attack on the citizens. It also has its utility as an office to decide whom to invite to form the government in cases of an unclear electoral verdict. In every other instance, a governor should act in consonance with the state government. The governor, of course, has the right to be informed, and may occasionally express his displeasure with certain acts of the government. But a regular feud is the last thing expected from the office of the governor. If the governor’s powers are not defined in such way, following Dhankhar’s cue, many other governors may play different political games.

(Diptendra Raychaudhuri is a Kolkata-based journalist and author of books including, A Naxal Story. He is a deputy editor at the Bengali daily, Aajkal)

Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author’s own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.

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(Published 20 November 2019, 07:47 IST)

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