BJP’s Assam playbook: Pro-indigenous laws and massacre reports

Guwahati: For more than four decades, the issue of foreigners has dominated electoral politics in Assam. Till 2014, the dominant narrative was “suspected foreigners” versus indigenous voters, irrespective of religion. But since the BJP came to power at the Centre in 2014 and for the first time in the state in 2016, the saffron party has constantly tried to turn the narrative into Hindus versus Bengali-speaking Muslims.

The Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), passed in December 2019 as part of the BJP’s Hindutva agenda for the nation, introduced a new dimension to Assam politics through the issue of foreigners. The anti-CAA protest turned violent first in Assam as it sought to offer Indian citizenship to non-Muslim migrants till 2014, thereby violating the Assam Accord of 1985. In the Accord, March 24, 1971, was decided as the cut-off date for “detection and deportation” of the foreigners, be they Hindus or Muslims.

Under fire from the indigenous communities over the CAA, the Centre exempted areas under the three autonomous councils from the purview of the act. This helped the BJP stem the anger of the indigenous communities in at least eight districts (five in Bodoland, two in Karbi Anglong and one in Dima Hasao). The Sarbananda Sonowal-led government in the State also announced several schemes to pacify the indigenous communities, its vote bank. Parallelly, the party became more vocal against the Bengali-speaking Muslims, whom the BJP considers as “infiltrators” from neighbouring Bangladesh and projects them as a threat to India and the Assamese people. The Sonowal government won the 2021 election, but the BJP replaced him with the party’s Hindutva face, Himanta Biswa Sarma.

In the run-up to Assembly elections slated for March-April 2026, the ruling BJP is adopting the same tactics, ostensibly stronger this time, to push its image as “anti-foreigner” and “protector” of the indigenous communities.

The BJP was already on a mission to carry out an eviction drive against the Bengali-speaking Muslims, which was intensified in June 2025. Thousands were removed from forests and other government lands. “I will not allow the Miyas to live in peace till I remain the CM. The eviction is not against the tribals and other indigenous communities,” CM Sarma announced several times in public.

But on October 23, CM Sarma surprised many by announcing his decision to release the reports from two inquiries into the massacre at Nellie in February 1983, during which 2000-3000 “immigrant Muslims” were killed allegedly by the ethnic communities. Two inquiry reports, one by Tribhuvan Prasad Tewari and another by Justice T.U. Mehta, were made public on November 25.

The reports, although both examined the Nellie massacre, had differing conclusions. The Mehta Commission attributed the violence to the 1983 elections, whereas the Tewari Commission argued that it was not the primary cause. Both highlighted how several conflicts in which the indigenous communities were targeted and killed by the “immigrant Muslims” culminated in the massacre. The BJP is now using the reports to negate the 42-year-long narrative that the Muslims were just the victims.

“The reports have shown how our communities were targeted, killed, their land snatched away and even women were also not spared,” Sarma said whilst addressing thousands at an event in Guwahati on December 10, when a massive memorial to the martyrs of the Assam Agitation or the anti-foreigners movement (1979-1985) was inaugurated in Guwahati. At least 860 Assamese people, who had died during the agitation, were recognised as martyrs.

This, according to many, was done to counter the growing anger amongst the indigenous communities over iconic singer Zubeen Garg’s death in September and the BJP’s failure to fulfil its pre-poll promise of Scheduled Tribe status to six more ethnic communities.
From banning polygamy to making registration of Muslim marriages compulsory, the Himanta Biswa Sarma government passed or amended several laws as it gets ready for the Assembly elections. Although polygamy was banned by the Assam Prohibition of Polygamy Bill, 2025, passed by the Assam Assembly recently, it exempted the Sixth Schedule Autonomous Council areas.

“We have almost ended child marriages by arresting over 8,000 people; we want to end all forms of crime against Muslim women,” Sarma said in the Assembly. He said the Uniform Civil Code would be introduced if he became the CM again. Although many of these were included in the budget, the timing of the bills’ passage has led many to characterise them as “election-oriented.”

Amid strong agitation for ST status for six additional ethnic communities, including the Ahoms and the tea garden communities, two major vote banks for the BJP, the Sarma government amended an act to allow tea garden land to be allotted to workers. The government also sent a proposal to the Centre to address the complexities over the ST status issue.

The problem is far from over, but the new proposal may placate a segment, particularly the party workers representing the six communities. The Sarma government also passed an act to protect the land of the satras, the Vaishnavite monasteries, and amended the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act to permit the traditional buffalo fight held during the Magh Bihu celebrations in January each year.

The Opposition party, Congress, however, calls all these “election gimmicks” and claims that such tactics would not help the BJP avoid defeat this time. CM Sarma, however, is confident that the BJP will “comfortably” form the government for the third consecutive term.

(With DHNS inputs)