<p>Indian democracy, especially the State in India, is facing insurrection in central and eastern states in the form of what is popularly known as Left Wing Extremism in official parlance and ‘Maoism’/‘Naxalism’ in an informal discourse. The ongoing discourses on insurrection are drawn from security, law and order, underdevelopment, political ideology, social movements and state-building perspectives. However, there is little in the ongoing discourse about the functioning of Indian democracy and its limitations in producing violence by extra- or un-constitutional methods.</p>.<p>Theoretically, democracy as a form of government is expected to promote peace and order in society. Towards this end, a significant development took place when the spokesperson of the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC) of the Maoist party showed willingness to talk to the Chhattisgarh government. This is in line with the Congress party’s election manifesto of 2018 where it stated “serious efforts for talks” will be undertaken with a three-pronged approach of “trust, security and development”.</p>.<p>In Chhattisgarh, 14 of the 27 districts are experiencing insurrection spearheaded by the Maoist party. Among all, Bijapur, Sukma and Dantewada are the worst affected as classified by the Union Home Ministry. However, the Dantewada district administration has been able to make considerable improvement in reducing the intensity of the insurrection on the ground. The vicious cycle of violence needs to be stopped in the interest of children and the people of Bastar.</p>.<p>The Union Home Ministry data (from 2006-2021) clearly shows that more common citizens lost lives compared to security forces and insurgents. In this battle of killing each other, the local citizens are bearing the brunt of the socio-political conflict. Both the state and the insurgents need to take into account the invaluable human lives of the local people in the struggle for power. The Chhattisgarh state formed the Concerned Citizens’ Committee of Chhattisgarh, popularly known as 4Cs, in 2021. The committee’s formation is the result of two-year-long deliberations and discussions with the local people of Bastar. It is found that an overwhelming 92% of the people favoured resolution of the conflict through talks and democratic means. In the 2018 Assembly elections, by turning up in larger numbers than male voters, Bastar’s women sent a clear signal to the political parties about the importance of peace in the region and push for rights-based development. The formation of this Committee is on the lines of Concerned Citizens’ Committee (CCC) of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, which was active between 1997 and 2004.</p>.<p>The objective of the 4Cs is to talk to the families affected by violence on both sides and to exert pressure on the state and the Maoist party for peace and development in the region. The initiative has not moved forward as the Maoist conditions were not accepted by the government, especially on the subject of abjuring armed violence and the release of political prisoners. This is understandable from the perspective of any elected government and is right within the Constitutional framework. This is where the role of 4Cs assumes great significance. The 4Cs need to work out an action plan on laying down the conditions that are acceptable to the state and the Maoist party. The peace-building process can be achieved only when talks begin; so the first and foremost priority of the 4Cs is how best to prepare a draft action plan that is mutually acceptable to both parties in resuming the dialogue. The state and Union governments need to take into account the deplorable plight of Adivasis’ lives from the rights and justice perspective whereas the Maoist party should abandon the violent methods for resolving land and other structural issues of governance.</p>.<p>The impact of the ‘Pathalgadi movement’ has been felt strongly in the districts of Jashpur and Sarguja in the state and has spread to the Bastar region. This has given rise of peaceful processions across the Bastar region and many village panchayats have come up with large stone slabs with inscriptions of the provisions of the Fifth Schedule and asserting the right to self-governance in the spirit of Gaon Ganraj (village republics). The Pathalgadi movement has resurrected the spirit of community governance over the state-led governance especially in ascertaining the rights over the natural resources, forests and land. It has highlighted the criticality of customary laws, traditional governance systems and Panchayats in the management of the natural resources with community as custodian of rights but not the state. In a way, the movement has provided food for thought for policy makers in the Union and state governments to seriously chalk out an action plan for the effective implementation of the provisions of the Fifth Schedule.</p>.<p class="CrossHead"><strong>A way forward</strong></p>.<p>The Maoist party’s willingness to talk to the Chhattisgarh state government is a welcome move. The people of Bastar are waiting to lead a peaceful life. The condition laities of the Maoist party need to be discussed and debated with the civil society including the Adivasi communities’ traditional leaders along with the policy elites. After assuming power in 2018, the current ruling dispensation in Chhattisgarh has initiated several well intended measures to bridge the trust gap between the government and local communities. The efforts such as reopening of schools in the interior villages of Bijapur and Sukma, revisiting the rejected claims under the forest rights act, 2006, framing the PESA rules and most critically a judicial probe into the cases of alleged arbitrary arrests of local people; all these are crucial to enhancing the trust of the government among the local communities. The Chhattisgarh state is making earnest efforts to build peace in the Bastar region and those efforts must be in consonance with the provisions of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution and other rights-based legislations such as FRA and PESA. Hope the government and the Maoist party resume talks to usher in a new chapter of peace in the Bastar region.</p>.<p><span class="italic">(The writer is PhD Fellow, Centre for Political Institutions, Governance and Development of Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bengaluru)</span></p>
<p>Indian democracy, especially the State in India, is facing insurrection in central and eastern states in the form of what is popularly known as Left Wing Extremism in official parlance and ‘Maoism’/‘Naxalism’ in an informal discourse. The ongoing discourses on insurrection are drawn from security, law and order, underdevelopment, political ideology, social movements and state-building perspectives. However, there is little in the ongoing discourse about the functioning of Indian democracy and its limitations in producing violence by extra- or un-constitutional methods.</p>.<p>Theoretically, democracy as a form of government is expected to promote peace and order in society. Towards this end, a significant development took place when the spokesperson of the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC) of the Maoist party showed willingness to talk to the Chhattisgarh government. This is in line with the Congress party’s election manifesto of 2018 where it stated “serious efforts for talks” will be undertaken with a three-pronged approach of “trust, security and development”.</p>.<p>In Chhattisgarh, 14 of the 27 districts are experiencing insurrection spearheaded by the Maoist party. Among all, Bijapur, Sukma and Dantewada are the worst affected as classified by the Union Home Ministry. However, the Dantewada district administration has been able to make considerable improvement in reducing the intensity of the insurrection on the ground. The vicious cycle of violence needs to be stopped in the interest of children and the people of Bastar.</p>.<p>The Union Home Ministry data (from 2006-2021) clearly shows that more common citizens lost lives compared to security forces and insurgents. In this battle of killing each other, the local citizens are bearing the brunt of the socio-political conflict. Both the state and the insurgents need to take into account the invaluable human lives of the local people in the struggle for power. The Chhattisgarh state formed the Concerned Citizens’ Committee of Chhattisgarh, popularly known as 4Cs, in 2021. The committee’s formation is the result of two-year-long deliberations and discussions with the local people of Bastar. It is found that an overwhelming 92% of the people favoured resolution of the conflict through talks and democratic means. In the 2018 Assembly elections, by turning up in larger numbers than male voters, Bastar’s women sent a clear signal to the political parties about the importance of peace in the region and push for rights-based development. The formation of this Committee is on the lines of Concerned Citizens’ Committee (CCC) of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, which was active between 1997 and 2004.</p>.<p>The objective of the 4Cs is to talk to the families affected by violence on both sides and to exert pressure on the state and the Maoist party for peace and development in the region. The initiative has not moved forward as the Maoist conditions were not accepted by the government, especially on the subject of abjuring armed violence and the release of political prisoners. This is understandable from the perspective of any elected government and is right within the Constitutional framework. This is where the role of 4Cs assumes great significance. The 4Cs need to work out an action plan on laying down the conditions that are acceptable to the state and the Maoist party. The peace-building process can be achieved only when talks begin; so the first and foremost priority of the 4Cs is how best to prepare a draft action plan that is mutually acceptable to both parties in resuming the dialogue. The state and Union governments need to take into account the deplorable plight of Adivasis’ lives from the rights and justice perspective whereas the Maoist party should abandon the violent methods for resolving land and other structural issues of governance.</p>.<p>The impact of the ‘Pathalgadi movement’ has been felt strongly in the districts of Jashpur and Sarguja in the state and has spread to the Bastar region. This has given rise of peaceful processions across the Bastar region and many village panchayats have come up with large stone slabs with inscriptions of the provisions of the Fifth Schedule and asserting the right to self-governance in the spirit of Gaon Ganraj (village republics). The Pathalgadi movement has resurrected the spirit of community governance over the state-led governance especially in ascertaining the rights over the natural resources, forests and land. It has highlighted the criticality of customary laws, traditional governance systems and Panchayats in the management of the natural resources with community as custodian of rights but not the state. In a way, the movement has provided food for thought for policy makers in the Union and state governments to seriously chalk out an action plan for the effective implementation of the provisions of the Fifth Schedule.</p>.<p class="CrossHead"><strong>A way forward</strong></p>.<p>The Maoist party’s willingness to talk to the Chhattisgarh state government is a welcome move. The people of Bastar are waiting to lead a peaceful life. The condition laities of the Maoist party need to be discussed and debated with the civil society including the Adivasi communities’ traditional leaders along with the policy elites. After assuming power in 2018, the current ruling dispensation in Chhattisgarh has initiated several well intended measures to bridge the trust gap between the government and local communities. The efforts such as reopening of schools in the interior villages of Bijapur and Sukma, revisiting the rejected claims under the forest rights act, 2006, framing the PESA rules and most critically a judicial probe into the cases of alleged arbitrary arrests of local people; all these are crucial to enhancing the trust of the government among the local communities. The Chhattisgarh state is making earnest efforts to build peace in the Bastar region and those efforts must be in consonance with the provisions of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution and other rights-based legislations such as FRA and PESA. Hope the government and the Maoist party resume talks to usher in a new chapter of peace in the Bastar region.</p>.<p><span class="italic">(The writer is PhD Fellow, Centre for Political Institutions, Governance and Development of Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bengaluru)</span></p>