<p>Custodial torture and killings have remained a blemish on India’s policing system, with the numbers showing no decline over the years. The conviction of nine policemen for the custodial killing of a man and his son at Sathankulam, in Tamil Nadu’s Thoothukudi district, is rare and, therefore, significant. </p><p>Police picked up the duo in 2020 for allegedly violating Covid lockdown norms; they had kept their shop open beyond the scheduled hours. Relatives were denied access to the men, who were declared dead at a hospital a few days later. The CBI, which investigated the case, found that the two were subjected to prolonged and extreme torture, and medical aid was delayed and inadequate. There were no cases against them; the brutal killings occurred only because of the policemen’s sense of authority.</p>.<p>Custodial and encounter killings are the two most gruesome and illegal forms of police excess. In 2025-26 (till March 15), 170 custodial death cases were reported across the country, according to information the Union government provided to Parliament this week. It has been reported that the annual figure for the past five years ranged between 140 and 176. The official number of cases involving torture is widely seen as an underestimation. </p><p>A strikingly low conviction rate has enabled this cycle of violence. Between 2017 and 2022, more than 11,000 people were reported dead while in police custody. No policeman was convicted during the period. This history of acquittals makes the Sathankulam ruling an important turn in the judicial response to custodial torture.</p>.<p>A view favouring extra-judicial punishment has gained ground. Sections of police personnel and the public share this view, amplified by the failure and delays in delivering justice. Overworked, undertrained, and stressed, India’s police force has signalled serious vulnerabilities. But these systemic failings cannot justify the use of violence in custody, which grossly violates the rule of law and human rights. </p><p>It is no coincidence that victims in most cases are from the marginalised sections of society, such as Dalits, minorities, and the poor. The Supreme Court has taken serious note of custodial torture and killings in multiple rulings and issued guidelines for police conduct. But the number of cases reveals a limited impact on station procedures. A lawful and civilised society demands respect for the life and rights of every citizen. Every custodial killing is a blot on this sense of balance. The Sathankulam conviction is welcome, but it remains an exception.</p>
<p>Custodial torture and killings have remained a blemish on India’s policing system, with the numbers showing no decline over the years. The conviction of nine policemen for the custodial killing of a man and his son at Sathankulam, in Tamil Nadu’s Thoothukudi district, is rare and, therefore, significant. </p><p>Police picked up the duo in 2020 for allegedly violating Covid lockdown norms; they had kept their shop open beyond the scheduled hours. Relatives were denied access to the men, who were declared dead at a hospital a few days later. The CBI, which investigated the case, found that the two were subjected to prolonged and extreme torture, and medical aid was delayed and inadequate. There were no cases against them; the brutal killings occurred only because of the policemen’s sense of authority.</p>.<p>Custodial and encounter killings are the two most gruesome and illegal forms of police excess. In 2025-26 (till March 15), 170 custodial death cases were reported across the country, according to information the Union government provided to Parliament this week. It has been reported that the annual figure for the past five years ranged between 140 and 176. The official number of cases involving torture is widely seen as an underestimation. </p><p>A strikingly low conviction rate has enabled this cycle of violence. Between 2017 and 2022, more than 11,000 people were reported dead while in police custody. No policeman was convicted during the period. This history of acquittals makes the Sathankulam ruling an important turn in the judicial response to custodial torture.</p>.<p>A view favouring extra-judicial punishment has gained ground. Sections of police personnel and the public share this view, amplified by the failure and delays in delivering justice. Overworked, undertrained, and stressed, India’s police force has signalled serious vulnerabilities. But these systemic failings cannot justify the use of violence in custody, which grossly violates the rule of law and human rights. </p><p>It is no coincidence that victims in most cases are from the marginalised sections of society, such as Dalits, minorities, and the poor. The Supreme Court has taken serious note of custodial torture and killings in multiple rulings and issued guidelines for police conduct. But the number of cases reveals a limited impact on station procedures. A lawful and civilised society demands respect for the life and rights of every citizen. Every custodial killing is a blot on this sense of balance. The Sathankulam conviction is welcome, but it remains an exception.</p>