Will there be a rebound of social justice politics?

The non-political state institutions have continued to be dominated by the presence of social elites, serving their class and social interests

In the analysis of post-2014 national politics, it has often been demonstrated that political parties based on the slogan of social justice are at the verge of extinction under the massive upsurge of Hindutva politics. Parties like the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Samajwadi Party (SP) in Uttar Pradesh or the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) in Bihar or the Republican Party of India (RPI) in Maharashtra failed to emerge as significant contenders of power at the national or at the regional levels. In recent times, it is mainly at the Adivasi-dominated states (especially Jharkhand, Orissa and Chhattisgarh) that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has met with strong opposition. Otherwise, in most of the North Indian states, it has overtly hijacked the agenda of ‘social justice’ and has emerged as an accommodative platform of the marginalised communities. The BJP overtly forces regional parties to play a residual role.

The recent rupture of the BJP-JD(U) alliance in Bihar is a crucial development as it shows that not all regional parties will be cowed down at all times even under autocratic rule. The Bihar episode can add new creative inputs to imagine an impressive opposition to confront the BJP’s powerful organisational and ideological strength. Importantly, the RJD-JD(U) alliance can reignite ‘Mandal Politics’ against the creative social engineering strategies of the BJP and can reintroduce the Dalit-OBC groups as the prime contenders of political power.

The parties that conventionally vouched for the welfare of marginalised social groups and their substantive participation in the democratic arena have been facing a tough challenge from Hindutva forces. Especially in the last two decades, these parties are condemned for being corrupt and unaccountable towards the general masses, accused of promoting nepotism and are also portrayed as serving a narrow interest of certain caste groups.

The basic ideal of social justice that demands to recognise the deplorable and precarious conditions of the Dalits, Adivasis and other Backward Castes in order to give them valid representation in the institutions of the State are addressed with apprehensive notes, condemning it as a dangerous ideological force that creates social fissures and disturbs national unity. Even the valid demand for conducting a caste census or to fulfil the constitutional mandate on the reservation policy, was challenged with rhetorical prejudices.

BJP’s social engineering tactics, cultural strategies and other popular religion-based events were effective in building a grand rhetoric that the BJP is shedding its pro-upper caste stereotype and converting into a Subaltern Hindutva party. It offered new regional and national leadership from the marginalised communities (like the recent elevation of Droupadi Murmu as the first Adivasi woman President of India) to legitimise its claim of being a party of the vulnerable castes. However, there is also a growing acknowledgment of the fact that the right-wing party in power can turn into an extremely coercive and authoritarian force, denying the needed democratic participation of the social groups and regional parties that have aligned with it for a better outcome.

Further, the Hindutva regimes at the Centre and the states have not announced any grand policy initiative that promises rapid empowerment of the vast majority of impoverished communities from poverty, social discrimination and political powerlessness. Though the rhetoric of inclusive growth or of the Hindu unity have impressed certain Dalit, Adivasi and OBC groups, it has growingly been accepted that the BJP-led governments have failed in executing substantive welfare schemes to satisfy their quest for effective participation, social empowerment and rapid economic development.

More importantly, the non-political state institutions like the judiciary, higher bureaucracy, mass media, the elite capitalist class corridors and other influential units of power have continued to be dominated by the presence of social elites, serving their class and social interests.

India’s diversified social demography, its cultural and regional plurality and class composition could have enriched democracy, paving inroads for the poor and other marginalised groups to become an influential part of the ruling classes.

However, the parties that claim to represent the concerns and objectives of these groups have eventually failed to provide them effective leadership or to impress them with their ideological commitment. Social justice parties remained divided on flimsy skirmishes, patriarchal egos and unwarranted fears. They even failed to assemble on a single national platform to announce a comprehensive manifesto for the betterment of the backward classes and the downtrodden castes. Looking into such depressing, fragmented and unimpressive sight of social justice politics, political pundits have written its early obituary.

The BJP has exploited the failures of the social justice politics effectively and has impressed certain sections from the marginalised social groups to become its crucial allies. However, right-wing governments overtly remained committed in promoting the interests of the big-capitalist class and legitimised the control of social elites over major institutions of power. Importantly, under its regime, the democratic credentials of the polity, especially values like freedom, fair and ethical functioning of constitutional institutions have been eroded substantively.

The visible distancing of important regional political parties like the Shiv Sena, Akali Dal, BSP, Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) from the BJP showcases that they are threatened by BJP’s dominating attitude. The fall of Sena’s government in Maharashtra overtly demonstrates that the fear amongst the BJP allies is not unwarranted. It has been acknowledged that the social base of the regional parties can only be saved if it escapes the hegemonic control of the right-wing party.

The formation of RJD-JD(U) government under the leadership of Nitish Kumar is crucial not only for the possible re-emergence of social justice politics, but it is equally important for India’s democracy. The current BJP regimes have been distancing themselves from the concerns and demands of the middle-classes and poor sections and morphing into an autocratic, monistic political force.

Political parties that are committed to the values of social justice, secularism and democracy must build a broader alliance to defeat the Hindutva juggernaut.

(The writer teaches at the Centre for Political Studies, JNU)