R N Ravi in Bengal: When the khela moves from the streets to Lok Bhavan

When Mamata Banerjee declared khela hobe (the game is on) ahead of the 2021 elections, she meant the political contest in West Bengal would be fought in rallies, campaigns, and ballot boxes. With the appointment of R N Ravi as the state’s new governor, however, Mamata fears that the “game” may now shift to a different arena—the governor’s office itself.

Technically, governors are appointed and transferred by the Union government, and such decisions are presented as routine administrative exercises. However, in the present political climate, they are rarely perceived as neutral. Ravi’s transfer to West Bengal comes at a time when tensions between the Union government and non-BJP-ruled states are high. Mamata’s immediate complaint that she was not consulted before the appointment may sound procedural, but it points to a deeper concern: that Lok Bhavan is increasingly being used as a political instrument rather than a constitutional office.

Her fears are rooted in experience. Consider Ravi’s tenure in Tamil Nadu, during which he repeatedly attempted to shape political narratives. Immediately after his appointment in 2021, he entered into a confrontation with the DMK government led by M K Stalin, a standoff that persisted throughout his tenure. Disputes erupted over everything from legislative procedures to ideological questions. Bills passed by the Assembly were held up for months. He openly criticised government policies. In an unprecedented moment, he refused to read parts of the governor’s address in the Assembly and walked out several times in protest. Such actions transformed the governor from a largely ceremonial figure into a constant political protagonist. Every confrontation created headlines and fuelled an ongoing narrative of conflict between the Centre’s representative and the elected state government. For critics, this was a textbook example of how a constitutional office could be deployed to keep a state government politically on the defensive.

However, the Tamil Nadu experiment also revealed the limits of such a strategy. The DMK government did not weaken under pressure. If anything, the repeated confrontations strengthened its claim that it was defending the state’s autonomy and cultural identity against interference from New Delhi. Tamil language and cultural pride, a powerful political force, turned Ravi’s activism into a rallying point for the ruling party rather than a liability. Which brings us to the obvious question: why send him to Bengal now?

The answer may lie in the precedent set earlier in the state by Jagdeep Dhankhar, who served as governor before being elevated to the vice president’s office. Dhankhar’s tenure was marked by relentless public criticism of the Trinamool Congress government. His frequent statements on law and order, administrative decisions, and governance issues kept the Mamata government under constant scrutiny. Every day, the nation witnessed the political tussle between the Lok Bhavan and the state secretariat played out in public, a spectacle indeed.

However, out of such confrontations, the BJP gained political utility. Although the Trinamool Congress successfully retained power in 2021, it could not stop the dramatic expansion of the BJP in Bengal. It emerged as the principal opposition party. Through his activism, the governor ensured that controversies and differences remained in the headlines, helping the BJP reinforce its narrative against the state government. Viewed through this lens, R N Ravi’s appointment cannot be a routine transfer. It certainly looks like the continuation of a political strategy that is to employ Lok Bhavan as a pressure point in opposition-ruled states. This strategy, however, comes with risks. Just like Tamil Nadu, Bengal’s political culture is also heavily grounded in regional pride and resistance to centralisation. Like Stalin, Mamata has framed her politics as a battle against authoritarianism to defend and protect Bengal’s identity. Hence, the danger is that if Lok Bhavan becomes an active site of political confrontation, it could easily reinforce that narrative.

Let us not forget the larger constitutional question at stake here. The Indian Constitution envisages the Governor as a neutral link between the Union and the state governments. But the growing frequency of clashes between governors and elected governments in states such as Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and West Bengal suggests that the office is increasingly being drawn into partisan politics. The Sarkaria Commission, which studied Centre-state relations in the 1980s, had recommended that chief ministers be consulted before governors are appointed to their states. The aim was precisely to avoid the perception that governors are political appointees sent to manage or pressure state governments. Over time, however, this convention has been honoured more in the breach than in practice.

Ravi’s arrival in Bengal, therefore, symbolises a broader shift in Indian federal politics. Lok Bhavan is no longer merely a ceremonial residence; it is increasingly becoming a strategic outpost in the political contest between the Union and Opposition-ruled states. Whether this will help the BJP strengthen its position in Bengal remains uncertain. The Tamil Nadu experience suggests that confrontational gubernatorial politics can sometimes backfire, strengthening the very governments it seeks to challenge. If that lesson holds true, the attempt to use the governor’s office as a political instrument may end up energising Mamata Banerjee rather than weakening her. For now, however, one thing is clear: the next phase of Bengal’s political khela may not be fought only in rallies or elections. It may also unfold in the constitutional theatre of Lok Bhavan, where the line between governance and politics is becoming increasingly blurred.

(The writer is an educator and political analyst based in Bengaluru)

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH)