Ram Mandir materialises. But at what cost?

The ‘bhoomi pujan’ ceremony for the Ram temple at Ayodhya in the presence of leaders holding constitutional positions beginning with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, marks the devoicing of a large section of Indians, especially religious minorities and this regime's ideological adversaries.

Telecast live by the state broadcaster, Doordarshan, and watched by millions of Indians, this is likely the biggest-ever Ramayan show to date. Being unenthusiastic about the ceremony, or not displaying jubilation by lighting lamps for the suggested days, will ensure 'justified' social profiling by others for future reference.

Enshrining the majoritarian narrative

The 'calling out' of those who disagree with the majoritarian narrative on the Ram temple issue also underscores the righteousness with which the once partisan agitation is now invested. The stranglehold of religio-cultural nationalists is so complete that not one political party has commented on the inappropriateness of the mega-event, especially when pandemic-management requires complete attention and precautions remain necessary.

Already, a couple of priests and several security staff at the site of the ritual have tested Covid-19 positive. The Union Home Minister, Amit Shah, testing positive for the novel coronavirus underscores the grimness of the situation and makes plain that the virus does not distinguish between powerful and powerless. After the high-decibel hue and cry over the need for contact tracing and the necessity for isolation in case of people contracting the virus, the gathering at Ayodhya is being treated like an exception when it comes to pandemic-related protocols and guidelines. In normal times, it would have evoked a smirk or even a smile that the ceremony is happening ‘Ram bharose’ or with the backing of (Lord) Ram.

But, this is too significant an event and there is great risk involved in assembling the top political leadership when the virulence of the virus remains unbridled. However, more worrying is the thought that permissions granted to the host of this show, the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra, would possibly not have been granted to any other body representing India's minority faiths for a similar event. The official patronage to the event is testimony to the fact that the separation between the State and (majority) religion is becoming absolutely non-existent.

In multi-faith nations like India, an overt partnership of one religion with the government will further alienate minorities from the mainstream. Over a long period of time, this could have an immense impact on social stability, economic growth and national security. Clearly, however, the rush to complete this phase of the temple reconstruction has a direct correlation with the area that the BJP and its leaders understand best – winning elections.

Pandering to ‘Hindu subjugation’

Since the Ram Janmabhoomi Andolan was launched in 1984, its raison d'être has been the need to undo humiliation heaped on Hindus in history. There was historical precedent for this in the form of the Somnath Mandir ‘Jeernodhar’ (reconstruction). Additionally, it has been argued that Ram is not the diversely depicted character in multiple versions of the epic, who has several human streaks and common frailties, but is the never-do-wrong, super-human embodiment of India's 'oneness' and national character.

Among several slogans that were full-throated in the course of the 36-year campaign, several emphasised that anyone wishing to continue living in India would have to swear in the name of Ram and promise support for building his temple at Ayodhya in place of the Babri Masjid. In conversations, leaders of the Sangh Parivar, including Modi, stated that though they had little reservations about citizens pursuing others faiths but it was necessary that minorities must consider the ideas and ideals of the majority community as their own.

The campaign for the Ram temple at Ayodhya also spread disinformation on the reconstruction of Somnath temple on two counts. One, that Jawaharlal Nehru was opposed to the rebuilding of this Shiva temple, housing one of the 12 jyotirlingas in the country. The other canard was that the temple was built courtesy the single-minded pursuit of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. While both stories are intertwined, the popular belief centring Somnath is a classic example of how distortions of past events happen.

After Mahmud of Ghazni wrecked the temple and desecrated the idol in 1026, the subsequent period till the mid-19th Century is not one of Hindu-Muslims animosity. At that time, the story of Hindu aggrievement and corresponding Muslim delight was introduced in the course of a debate in the House of Commons after a British Governor General directed the British Commander to Afghanistan to bring back the gates of Somnath, which turned out to unauthentic and unconnected with the temple.

This sense of Hindu subjugation was an integral part of Sardar Patel's consciousness and when he got an opportunity in November 1947, he announced the government's intention to reconstruct the temple. The declaration did not have collective clearance, not even a consultation with Gandhi who by then was criss-crossing parts of India to douse communal flames. When the two met days after Patel's declaration, Gandhi realised that getting the Iron Man to withdraw the promise would be counterproductive and further inflame passions. However, he asked Patel to ensure that the government was not associated with reconstructing the temple and funds were not used for it from the State's exchequer and that the entire cost should be raised from people through donations. This separation between State and religion is now completely missing over the Ram temple; out of 15 members, 12 members were nominated by the Government of India.

Jawaharlal Nehru also had a disagreement with President Rajendra Prasad over his decision to preside over the temple's inaugural ceremony. Although Prasad stuck to his decision, he reminded people in his address after the function, of the importance of interfaith harmony and hoped Somnath's reconstruction would not "open old wounds." Unlike the obsession of today's leaders with only 'their' religion, the President confessed that although a pious Hindu, his faith did not prevent him from visiting temples of other faiths, mosques and churches included.

Given that the ‘bhoomi pujan’ ceremony is being performed in these difficult times, reasons for this must be compelling. The Ayodhya campaign and various programmes associated with it have been a quasi bailout package for the Sangh Parivar/BJP at times and on other occasions, served to galvanise the agitation. Sticking to the pre-Covid-19 calendar is suggestive that the BJP feels the need to consolidate its core constituency in the wake of challenges the party may face due to inept handling of the medical crisis, the social ramifications and the economic downturn.

The hope is obviously once again that the euphoria generated by the ceremony would be sufficient for the BJP to prevent erosion in support, albeit temporary. Although not empirically tested, any decline in popularity of either the party or the prime minister individually, cannot be but impermanent. Undoubtedly, the agitation has been the most effective mass movement in post-independence India and now the Ram temple's construction is no longer the solitary objective. In fact, the Ram temple will act as a mere stepping stone for more extensive goals.

(Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay is a Delhi-based journalist and author. His latest book is RSS: Icons Of The Indian Right. He has also written Narendra Modi: The Man, The Times (2013))

Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author’s own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.