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Srinagar-Delhi dialogue to break the logjam on Kashmir soon

Circumstances have compelled both Delhi and Srinagar to come to the negotiating table
Last Updated : 11 June 2021, 10:56 IST
Last Updated : 11 June 2021, 10:56 IST

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In the coming days, the political leadership in Kashmir is expected to enter into negotiations with Delhi to draw a roadmap that can help the two sides erase some mistrust and fill the ever-widening political vacuum in Jammu and Kashmir. The urgency of doing so has dawned on Delhi and Srinagar both, as they found that their stiff attitudes toward each other were leading them nowhere.

The Kashmiri leadership was becoming increasingly aware of losing its ground and growing disenchantment of the people in despair with them, which has pushed them to embrace the idea of talking to Delhi to ease the situation in Kashmir. They were also aware that their legacy was being discussed as do-nothing men and women who had no courage to stand for their people in distress.

As such, it reinforced their old realisation that Delhi alone can create space for them to operate to regain their legitimacy, as China or Pakistan cannot help them in any way. The rhetoric of "solidarity" coming from Pakistan is not a solution to their problems and has complicated things. It dawned on them that they should look for a pragmatic approach rather than being in an echo chamber where frustration triggers accusations and counter-accusations, leaving the problems unresolved.

Delhi, too, has compulsions that have made it change its mind. It is reeling from the devastating impact of the pandemic. It has dented its image internationally due to what some have described as unimaginative handling of the situation. Kashmir offers an opportunity to develop an alternative narrative.

The starting point of the proposed discussions could centre around the after-effects of the August 5, 2019 decisions of the Government of India when it declared a victory of Indian nationalism over secessionism and corruption in Jammu and Kashmir.

It had anticipated that once the constitutional guarantees and special status of J&K are done away with, which it did, the people will fall in line. They would accept and practice the idea of India that had found resistance due to Pakistan and the militancy it has sponsored.

So, it cut off the Buddhist majority area of Ladakh from J&K and made it a union territory. The rest of the state, Jammu and Kashmir, also suffered degradation as Delhi reduced it to a union territory.

In their assessment, people in Kashmir were not as unhappy with the abrogation of Article 370, which was high on symbolism, than what they perceive as a real threat to their land and demography, the scrapping of Article 35A.

They were angry over the scrapping of Article 35A granting exclusive rights to the permanent residents of Jammu and Kashmir to own immovable property and to jobs and scholarships. The subsequent domicile laws brought by the government opened things in favour of non-permanent residents.

This anger has bred radicalism. It gained its space in two forms. First, local youth joining armed militant outfits. Second, It added to desperation and fear.

Mainstream leaders, most of whom had formed a group People's Alliance for Gupkar Declaration with a vow to restore Article 370, felt they would get consumed by the radical forces, so there was a need for a middle-path to save themselves politically.

That's why this alliance made an offer of talks, which is under consideration of the Centre. Prime Minister Narendra Modi may call an all-party meeting on Kashmir to convey a message of the sincerity of working with the leadership of Kashmir. The discussions are likely to centre around the areas of agreement while deferring the contentious to avoid the confrontation.

The areas of agreement are apparent. These are - unhindered political activity by all parties, especially in the Valley, where the administration is accused of playing a partisan role by denying movements of political leaders on the pretext of Covid protocols, the release of political prisoners and a complete halt to arrests and detentions of youth.

All this would lead to the possibility of holding the Assembly polls. There is a bit of disagreement between the two sides. The Centre will go by its own thumb rule that once the delimitation commission constituted last year finalises its report on defining the constituencies, and Election Commission can announce the polls. The Assembly polls in the current arrangement leave the elected representatives with no power as the Lieutenant Governor enjoys all the powers from controlling law and order to general administration.

Therefore, there is a solid reminder to the government of its promise to restore statehood to Jammu and Kashmir. Home Minister Amit Shah had promised to restore the statehood to J&K once the conditions so permitted. Though he had not elaborated much, yet it was clear that he wanted J&K to become terror-free, development narrative to replace all others and no room for anti-Delhi noises. This objective was a daunting task, and now it has been understood that dialogue to fill the political gaps alone can improve the situation. It is an opportunity that neither side can afford to squander.

(Arun Joshi is a senior journalist based in Jammu and Kashmir and writes about South Asia's political and geo-strategic affairs.)

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Published 11 June 2021, 10:56 IST

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