<p>Just two days after the India-Israel clinch got tighter during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit there last week, with the two sides announcing the elevation of their ties to a ‘Special Strategic Partnership for Peace, Innovation and Prosperity’, Israel and the United States unleashed wide-ranging military strikes on Iran, including the targeted killing of its supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.</p>.<p>The PM’s visit could not have been more ill-timed, coming as it did just as US President Donald Trump was mobilising forces to attack Iran. This begs the question: Why was such an outreach so urgent, unless Modi intended to personally counsel his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu towards dialogue and regional stability?</p>.<p>If Modi did indeed offer such counsel, it was swiftly disregarded by the February 28 strikes on Iran. It remains unclear whether Tel Aviv shared its offensive plans with New Delhi or kept its partner in the dark despite proclamations of a relationship built on trust and strategic convergence. Either way, India is left in a difficult diplomatic position as it grapples with the fallout of the conflict now engulfing West Asia.</p>.Instability in West Asia tests India’s strategic restraint.<p>Predictably, given its strategic embrace of Israel, India has not criticised the military strikes on Iran. Western nations, too, have chosen a similar path. Instead, New Delhi has called for restraint, advocating diplomacy and the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states. Yet, the region remains a powder keg for now, with Iran launching retaliatory strikes on US military bases and regional allies.</p>.<p>For India, the second military strike against Iran by Israel in the last eight months carries serious ramifications for its strategic interests in its “extended neighbourhood”. The region is a cornerstone of India’s energy security, a growing hub for trade, and home to an estimated 8.9 million-strong diaspora whose remittances are vital to the Indian economy.</p>.<p>Furthermore, the turmoil will queer the pitch for India’s diplomacy and strategic interests as the Arab world navigates the conflict and its nations take sides depending on their own imperatives. The crisis will test India’s ability to protect its interests vis-à-vis the US without allowing its improving ties with the Trump administration to become a casualty.</p>.<p>India thus far had managed to balance relations with Iran – historically a close friend – even as it pursued close ties with Israel. Even though India was forced to cease all oil imports from Iran some years ago and, more recently, put on hold the development of the Iranian Chabahar port for fear of inviting US sanctions, Tehran seemed to understand India’s constraints. However, the current conflict, coupled with India’s marked strategic pivot towards Israel, may throw Tehran’s ties with New Delhi off-kilter.</p>.<p>There is also a growing perception that India’s support for the Palestinian cause is no longer steadfast, which was evident again during the PM’s visit to Israel. While India repeatedly reaffirms its commitment to a “negotiated two-state solution towards the establishment of a sovereign, independent and viable State of Palestine” and continues its humanitarian assistance for Palestinians, both bilaterally and through the UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency), these actions seem secondary to offset its primary tilt towards Israel.</p>.<p><strong>A selective condemnation</strong></p>.<p>This shift is driven by realpolitik and an ideological affinity that Indian Hindutva proponents have had with Israel. The shared majoritarian leanings of both right-wing governments have propelled the strategic embrace.</p>.<p>During his address to the Knesset, PM Modi emphasised that the two nations are “ancient civilisations” with “philosophical parallels”, even drawing comparisons between Jewish and Hindu festivals to underscore a deep-rooted cultural connection.</p>.<p>While New Delhi views a robust relationship with Tel Aviv as a strategic necessity, its diluted support for Palestine diminishes its moral standing and complicates its outreach to the Arab world.</p>.<p>India clearly sees major gains in boosting ties with Israel despite the latter having faced international opprobrium and isolation after its clearly disproportionate strikes on Gaza following the Hamas terror attacks on October 7, 2023.</p>.<p>While India has rightly condemned the Hamas terror attacks, with Modi emotionally saying, “we feel your pain... India stands with Israel firmly” during his Knesset address, there has been no similar outpouring of solidarity for the over 70,000 Gazans killed in the aftermath.</p>.<p>Amid the hosannas surrounding Modi’s visit, Palestine at best was a side-show for New Delhi despite its reaffirmation of support for the Gaza Peace Plan, which it believes “holds the promise of a just and durable peace” in the region and in addressing the Palestinian question.</p>.<p>Modi’s visit to Israel will no doubt impart further momentum and depth to bilateral ties amid the shared resolve to cooperate in diverse domains. <br>While the expansive defence and security ties have been the lynchpin, and agriculture is also an important area of cooperation, the two nations are now also looking to boost bilateral trade and investment as well as collaboration in sectors such as critical and emerging technologies, AI, and semiconductors.</p>.<p>They also want to boost regional connectivity initiatives such as the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) and the four-<br>nation grouping of India, Israel, the US <br>and the UAE (I2U2) to boost economic cooperation, among other things. India, however, must ensure that <br>its ever-tightening clinch with Israel does not jeopardise its broader strategic interests in the volatile West <br>Asia region.</p>.<p><em>(The writer is a senior journalist)</em></p><p><em>Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.</em></p>
<p>Just two days after the India-Israel clinch got tighter during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit there last week, with the two sides announcing the elevation of their ties to a ‘Special Strategic Partnership for Peace, Innovation and Prosperity’, Israel and the United States unleashed wide-ranging military strikes on Iran, including the targeted killing of its supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.</p>.<p>The PM’s visit could not have been more ill-timed, coming as it did just as US President Donald Trump was mobilising forces to attack Iran. This begs the question: Why was such an outreach so urgent, unless Modi intended to personally counsel his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu towards dialogue and regional stability?</p>.<p>If Modi did indeed offer such counsel, it was swiftly disregarded by the February 28 strikes on Iran. It remains unclear whether Tel Aviv shared its offensive plans with New Delhi or kept its partner in the dark despite proclamations of a relationship built on trust and strategic convergence. Either way, India is left in a difficult diplomatic position as it grapples with the fallout of the conflict now engulfing West Asia.</p>.Instability in West Asia tests India’s strategic restraint.<p>Predictably, given its strategic embrace of Israel, India has not criticised the military strikes on Iran. Western nations, too, have chosen a similar path. Instead, New Delhi has called for restraint, advocating diplomacy and the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states. Yet, the region remains a powder keg for now, with Iran launching retaliatory strikes on US military bases and regional allies.</p>.<p>For India, the second military strike against Iran by Israel in the last eight months carries serious ramifications for its strategic interests in its “extended neighbourhood”. The region is a cornerstone of India’s energy security, a growing hub for trade, and home to an estimated 8.9 million-strong diaspora whose remittances are vital to the Indian economy.</p>.<p>Furthermore, the turmoil will queer the pitch for India’s diplomacy and strategic interests as the Arab world navigates the conflict and its nations take sides depending on their own imperatives. The crisis will test India’s ability to protect its interests vis-à-vis the US without allowing its improving ties with the Trump administration to become a casualty.</p>.<p>India thus far had managed to balance relations with Iran – historically a close friend – even as it pursued close ties with Israel. Even though India was forced to cease all oil imports from Iran some years ago and, more recently, put on hold the development of the Iranian Chabahar port for fear of inviting US sanctions, Tehran seemed to understand India’s constraints. However, the current conflict, coupled with India’s marked strategic pivot towards Israel, may throw Tehran’s ties with New Delhi off-kilter.</p>.<p>There is also a growing perception that India’s support for the Palestinian cause is no longer steadfast, which was evident again during the PM’s visit to Israel. While India repeatedly reaffirms its commitment to a “negotiated two-state solution towards the establishment of a sovereign, independent and viable State of Palestine” and continues its humanitarian assistance for Palestinians, both bilaterally and through the UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency), these actions seem secondary to offset its primary tilt towards Israel.</p>.<p><strong>A selective condemnation</strong></p>.<p>This shift is driven by realpolitik and an ideological affinity that Indian Hindutva proponents have had with Israel. The shared majoritarian leanings of both right-wing governments have propelled the strategic embrace.</p>.<p>During his address to the Knesset, PM Modi emphasised that the two nations are “ancient civilisations” with “philosophical parallels”, even drawing comparisons between Jewish and Hindu festivals to underscore a deep-rooted cultural connection.</p>.<p>While New Delhi views a robust relationship with Tel Aviv as a strategic necessity, its diluted support for Palestine diminishes its moral standing and complicates its outreach to the Arab world.</p>.<p>India clearly sees major gains in boosting ties with Israel despite the latter having faced international opprobrium and isolation after its clearly disproportionate strikes on Gaza following the Hamas terror attacks on October 7, 2023.</p>.<p>While India has rightly condemned the Hamas terror attacks, with Modi emotionally saying, “we feel your pain... India stands with Israel firmly” during his Knesset address, there has been no similar outpouring of solidarity for the over 70,000 Gazans killed in the aftermath.</p>.<p>Amid the hosannas surrounding Modi’s visit, Palestine at best was a side-show for New Delhi despite its reaffirmation of support for the Gaza Peace Plan, which it believes “holds the promise of a just and durable peace” in the region and in addressing the Palestinian question.</p>.<p>Modi’s visit to Israel will no doubt impart further momentum and depth to bilateral ties amid the shared resolve to cooperate in diverse domains. <br>While the expansive defence and security ties have been the lynchpin, and agriculture is also an important area of cooperation, the two nations are now also looking to boost bilateral trade and investment as well as collaboration in sectors such as critical and emerging technologies, AI, and semiconductors.</p>.<p>They also want to boost regional connectivity initiatives such as the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) and the four-<br>nation grouping of India, Israel, the US <br>and the UAE (I2U2) to boost economic cooperation, among other things. India, however, must ensure that <br>its ever-tightening clinch with Israel does not jeopardise its broader strategic interests in the volatile West <br>Asia region.</p>.<p><em>(The writer is a senior journalist)</em></p><p><em>Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.</em></p>
