Will Arvind Kejriwal’s ‘soft on RSS, hard against BJP’ politics help AAP?

By being soft on the RSS while attacking the BJP, he walks a tightrope, balancing ideological alignment with pragmatic politics.

As Delhi gears up for the 2025 Assembly elections, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) convenor and former chief minister Arvind Kejriwal has once again showcased his knack for unconventional political manoeuvres. On December 30, Kejriwal wrote a letter to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat, pointing out the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s alleged misdeeds while simultaneously taking a softer stance towards the RSS.

At first glance, this strategy may seem contradictory. However, it is a calculated and shrewd move aimed at redefining political dynamics in Delhi.

Kejriwal's dual approach highlights his nuanced understanding of the BJP-RSS equation. The BJP, AAP’s primary rival in Delhi, draws its ideological foundation from the RSS. By taking on the BJP while carefully avoiding direct confrontation with the RSS, Kejriwal seeks to create a distinction between the BJP’s political actions and the RSS’ ideological framework.

Kejriwal’s overtures to the RSS suggest an attempt to position himself as ideologically compatible with its core (Hindutva) principles, even if his party is a political rival to the BJP.

Kejriwal’s approach sends a deliberate message: he respects the RSS’ Hindutva ideology and is not ideologically opposed to it. This strategic alignment is particularly significant given the Congress’ vehement opposition to the RSS, which it frames as a battle against both political and cultural narratives. By distancing himself from the Congress' stance, Kejriwal hopes to carve out a unique space for himself, potentially appealing to a segment of voters who align with Hindutva but are disillusioned with the BJP.

Kejriwal’s actions speak volumes about his electoral strategy. His government’s directive to restrict the admission of Bangladeshi immigrants in Delhi schools aligns with the BJP’s long-standing narrative against illegal immigration. By implementing such measures, Kejriwal not only counters the BJP’s criticism but also signals his alignment with the RSS’ ideological concerns regarding demographic changes and border security.

This is not the first time AAP has played the BJP's game against it. During the Jahangirpuri violence, Kejriwal maintained a calculated silence while his party subtly painted Muslims as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants and Rohingyas, indirectly blaming the BJP for their presence. This tactic allowed Kejriwal to appear neutral publicly while appealing to the Hindutva sentiments of a section of voters.

Ahead of the Delhi polls, Kejriwal announced a scheme promising ₹18,000 monthly honorariums for Hindu and Sikh priests in Delhi. This move mirrors the existing financial support provided to imams, which the party strategically chose not to highlight. By addressing the perceived imbalance, it aims to neutralise the BJP’s criticism of favouritism towards Muslims while consolidating support among Hindus and Sikhs.

However, the timing and selective focus of this announcement are telling. It seeks to counter the BJP's influence among Hindu voters while subtly addressing the sentiments of other religious groups. This balancing act exemplifies Kejriwal’s political acumen in crafting policies that appeal to multiple constituencies without alienating any.

The electoral math in Delhi underscores the importance of AAP’s strategy. The BJP’s core vote share of 35% in Assembly elections jumps to 55% during Lok Sabha elections, largely due to its organisational strength and the RSS’ backing. Meanwhile, AAP relies on a coalition of Congress defectors (who votes for Congress in Lok Sabha but for AAP during Assembly elections) and around 15% of floating voters who are disenchanted with the BJP but wary of the Congress’ decline.

By reaching out to the RSS, Kejriwal aims to ensure that the floating voter base remains intact. He knows that any direct attack on the RSS could alienate these voters, many of whom hold the organisation in high regard despite their discontent with the BJP. Kejriwal’s letter to Bhagwat serve as a reassurance to this segment that he respects the RSS’ long-term vision and is not its adversary.

Moreover, the RSS’ role in the BJP’s recent electoral victories in Haryana and Maharashtra cannot be overlooked. If the RSS fully mobilises its cadre in Delhi, it could significantly bolster the BJP’s chances. By adopting a conciliatory tone towards the RSS, Kejriwal seeks to prevent a full-scale deployment of its resources against AAP.

By differentiating himself from the Congress and selectively aligning with the RSS, Kejriwal positions himself as a pragmatic leader willing to adapt to the political realities of the time. This approach not only strengthens his appeal among Hindutva-leaning voters but also underscores his ability to outmanoeuvre the BJP on its turf.

His moves reflect a deep understanding of electoral dynamics and the complexities of voter behaviour in Delhi.

Kejriwal’s nuanced approach to the RSS could redefine the contours of Delhi’s political landscape, and also reshape the narrative of opposition politics in India.

(Sayantan Ghosh is a research scholar and teaches journalism at St. Xavier’s College (autonomous), Kolkata. X: @sayantan_gh.)

Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.