Women’s quota and a complex calculus

Pushing the reservation narrative without displacing male incumbents was a strategy to maintain the status quo

It was convoluted logic all the way. Why did Prime Minister Narendra Modi and strategists in the government and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) choose to conjoin the delimitation exercise to expand the Lok Sabha with a bill that mandated one-third reservation for women in Parliament and state and Union Territory legislatures? Did they believe one made it easier to facilitate the other? There was no logical connection between the two. But there is a reason the BJP leaders, their allies, and the Opposition parties are not ready to acknowledge – Modi and Amit Shah did not want to disturb the existing systems. They feared rebellion if the reservation for women were to be implemented with the existing overall numbers.

It seemed the best way to set the reservation in motion was to add the one-third seats meant for women through a delimitation of constituencies. Men giving up their seats to accommodate women always seemed doubtful. Unseating them is not an easy socio-political exercise in a country where women rising as political heavyweights are exceptions.

The strategy to get women in without challenging the male sense of dominance through the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill has failed. However, the government has notified the Bill, more than two years after it was passed, making it implementable forthwith. The Election Commission of India would have to mark out 170+ constituencies – this drawing up of women-only constituencies would require extensive bureaucratic work. The exercise has to be done because Parliament has passed the law. But men who would have contested in those constituencies where now only women can, need to be ‘compensated’.

One-third reservation for women is still a compromise because they constitute about half of the country’s population. There will be initial resistance and unease across society because the idea of equality has not sunk into public consciousness. It will not be an easy transition for the women either. Politics creates its own social and psychological dynamics across parties, regions, and communities. This is a societal shift that comes with wide-ranging implications.

It might seem that men are now used to the idea of women’s reservation in the panchayats and municipal corporations. But the bigger roles and decisions continue to be the domain of men. Very rarely are women chosen to head a party in the country. It has not happened even in the oldest of them, the Indian National Congress. Indira Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi became presidents of the party for special reasons, though they proved their ability once they took control. Jayalalithaa, Mayawati, and Mamata Banerjee, who led the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, the Bahujan Samaj Party, and the All India Trinamool Congress, respectively, have been exceptions.

Women in the BJP have stopped at the vice-president rank. The Communist Party of India-Marxist and the Communist Party of India have not defied the pattern. The socialists have had some brilliant women leaders, but they all remained in
the ranks.

Protecting the current order

Even with the reservation in effect, the change will test women within the existing framework of political parties. The decision on women candidates would still be taken by the party bosses, who are largely men. But these are inevitable hurdles that have to be crossed for a more egalitarian future.

India is not an exception. The status of women in politics remains largely the same across the world, with Scandinavian countries being an exception. The United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand have had women prime ministers who rose from the ranks and took the reins of their respective political parties before they became prime ministers. Despite having had many women prime ministers, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Bangladesh are not apt examples of female political power.

Regardless of his ideological baggage, Modi appears driven by a desire to leave behind something monumental, apart from the puzzling new Parliament House. The women’s reservation push is part of this legacy plan. Irrespective of the motive, women and the country would have to acknowledge Modi’s part in it. At the same time, the Prime Minister was compelled to address the demands of men in the political arena.

This duality is integral to the context of the government’s move. Modi wanted to nurture women contingents of right-wing nationalism and sought credit for a larger policy shift towards women’s empowerment, while ensuring these changes do not disrupt the status quo.

(The writer is a Delhi-based journalist and commentator)

(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.)