Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Maharashtra Governor and NDA's candidate CP Radhakrishnan, BJP National President and Union Minister JP Nadda, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Union Minister of Fisheries Rajiv Ranjan (Lalan) Singh and others, during the filing of nomination papers for vice presidential elections, in New Delhi, Wednesday, Aug. 20, 2025.
Credit: PTI Photo
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) surprised everyone with fielding former Jharkhand and Maharashtra Governor C P Radhakrishnan as its vice-presidential candidate. All speculations failed to guess who the party would choose after having burnt its fingers with outgoing vice-president Jagdeep Dhankhar.
Radhakrishnan is being hailed as a ‘mellow’ and ‘inclusive’ leader for the job. Whether that will be the case remains to be seen after he gets elected, as seems very likely. He is, however, likely to be the most ideological vice-president India has seen up to now.
Unlike his predecessor Dhankhar, who claimed he was the ‘Eklavya’ of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) having not joined the organisation at any point of time, Radhakrishnan is the real thing. He is not a ‘distance learner’ like the legendary Eklavya of the Mahabharat, but more like the Arjun of the RSS. He joined the organisation at age 16 and became its full-time pracharak (proselytiser).
His record as the Tamil Nadu state president of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and later as governor provide some indications about why he was chosen by the Narendra Modi government.
Radhakrishnan’s primary qualification is that he was a full-time RSS worker and a member of the Jan Sangh (the BJP’s ideological predecessor in politics) before moving en masse from the Janata Party to the BJP. More importantly, he is a time-tested Modi loyalist.
In 2002, as the BJP president of Tamil Nadu, in a bold and controversial move, he organised a massive rally in Modi’s support at Coimbatore. He broke the taboo at a time when after the Gujarat riots, the party’s moderate elements were trying to distance themselves from him.
He wore his Hindutva affinity on his sleeve even as the governor of Jharkhand when he castigated Udayanadihi Stalin as a “child”, for calling for the annihilation of Sanatana Dharma. He averred that those who attempted to destroy Hindu traditions “will perish by their own acts”.
He was Jharkhand governor, when ED officials arrested Hemant Soren within the Raj Bhavan precincts immediately after he had resigned as chief minister in February 2024. Radhakrishnan denied that he had any role in facilitating Soren’s arrest, claiming, “There is no question of misuse of Raj Bhavan. Every democratic norm has been very strictly followed by us... I never know who the ED people are... I saw them for a few minutes.”
Radhakrishnan’s selection sends out some clear and obvious messages.
The BJP, having burnt its fingers with elevating outsiders, has chosen to rely on organisational insiders once again. Ideological affinities and organisational discipline are once again being emphasised over the recruitment of political opportunists.
There is also a message to voters of Tamil Nadu where elections are due in Spring 2026. Whether Tamil voters, who normally align with the atheist Dravidian parties who ideologically oppose both casteism and Hindutva will be swayed by Radhakrishnan’s nomination is quite uncertain.
His candidature is also being seen as BJP’s commitment to social engineering as Radhakrishnan is a Kongu Vellalar Gounder (or simply, Gounder), a dominant OBC caste group in Western Tamil Nadu. Gounders are the dominant caste in districts like Coimbatore, Trippur, Erode, and Salem. However, Gounder leadership is spread across regional players in Tamil Nadu. Edappadi K Palaniswami of the AIADMK and former chief minister, for example, is also a Gounder.
The main message though will go out to reassure the RSS and BJP cadre that anyone who has devoted their life to the Hindutva cause can hope to be rewarded. Earlier too the Modi government has nominated several former RSS members as governors who were till then, nondescript public figures.
It is possible that Radhakrishnan’s name was suggested by the RSS, although those familiar with its functioning would suggest that no names are directly given by the BJP’s parent organisation. If its advice is sought by any of its front organisations, the RSS only provides the criteria for selection with the actual choice of the appointee being left to the front organisation, in this case the BJP.
Perhaps this is why there was some speculation about Acharya Devvrat, the current Gujarat governor, being considered a suitable candidate. He too was an Arya Samaj pracharak, steeped in Hindutva. Eventually, Radhakrishnan’s parliamentary and gubernatorial experience seem to have weighed in his favour. He has been elected an MP twice from Coimbatore.
As the ex-officio chairman of the Rajya Sabha, Radhakrishnan’s ideological credentials will mean greater co-ordination with government policy.
His first X-post after being selected showed appropriate gratitude and modesty: “My heartfelt thanks to our beloved People’s leader our most respected Honourable Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi Ji, our beloved most respected Honourable Home Minister Shri Amit Shah Ji, our beloved most respected Honourable Central Minister and BJP President Shri JP Nadda Ji, our beloved most respected Honourable Parliamentary board members, our beloved most respected Honourable Central Ministers, our beloved most respected Honourable NDA partners for choosing me as their Vice Presidential Candidate (emphasis added).”
Although this may be par for the course in the sycophantic tradition of Tamil Nadu politics, it is clear that unlike his predecessor, he will follow instructions. That is his greatest qualification as an RSS and BJP-insider. As a wag remarked, “His so many ‘beloveds’ may leave him little time for any service to the nation!”
Unlike Dhankhar who in his eagerness to support government narratives often exceeded expectations causing great embarrassment, Radhakrishnan, will probably affect a much lower profile. One can be sure, however, that he will amplify Modi’s ideological narrative of nationalism, national security, and Hindu cultural revival, while also aligning with the ruling party’s legislative goals.
Because of his clear ideological affiliation, he is likely to face greater scrutiny from the Opposition benches when he presides over debates on contentious issues and legislation. Judging by his past record, his political style has not been confrontational. That choice, however, may not entirely be his if his ‘beloved’ patrons choose to guide him, as they are wont to.
(Bharat Bhushan is a New Delhi-based journalist.)
Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.