<p>One of Myanmar's five million young adults, May Thandar Maung had been excited to cast her ballot for the very first time in November's election.</p>.<p>But the 18-year-old is Muslim and says that means she will remain voiceless.</p>.<p>"My religion means I haven't been able to get an ID card," she tells AFP in her hometown of Meiktila in central Myanmar -- and no ID means no vote.</p>.<p>She describes how local officials have obstructed her attempts for over a year, while Buddhist peers faced no such delays, in a town where memories of brutal inter-communal violence in 2013 are still raw.</p>.<p>The majority-Buddhist nation is widely expected to return Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party to power on November 8 in the second polls since Myanmar emerged from outright military rule in 2011.</p>.<p>The country's Rohingya Muslims -- whether in Bangladeshi refugee shelters or confined to camps and villages in Myanmar -- will nearly all be completely disenfranchised.</p>.<p>But Myanmar also has many more Muslims of other ethnic heritage -- about four percent of the population -- whom the country, in theory, accepts as citizens.</p>.<p>In practice, however, it can be very different.</p>.<p>Muslims complained to AFP of systemic corruption, detailing how they are forced to pay backhanders of hundreds of dollars -- exorbitant rates in a country where a quarter of the population lives in poverty.</p>.<p>Three members of Maung Cho's family had to pay $370 each, the 53-year-old says, many times higher than the token sums of 'tea money' demanded of Buddhists.</p>.<p>Their experiences are echoed by Muslims across the country, says Yangon-based analyst David Mathieson.</p>.<p>"Anti-Muslim sentiment is ever-present with discrimination in schools, the workplace and access to government jobs," he says.</p>.<p>Challenges continue even for those who obtain an ID in a country where these cards state the holder's ethnicity.</p>.<p>Many Muslims say false ethnic identities, usually from South Asia, are increasingly being foisted on the community.</p>.<p>Maung Cho's family has lived in Myanmar for generations, yet when his renewed ID card came back, it labelled him as "Indian-Muslim".</p>.<p>"It must have been my beard," he tells AFP, ruefully.</p>.<p>Like other so-called "mixed-bloods", he now faces extra scrutiny at every ID check and must even stand in a separate queue at immigration offices.</p>.<p>Myanmar Hindus -- who number about 2,50,000 -- are also often branded as "mixed-bloods" and face similar problems.</p>.<p>Yangon-based Tun Min, 28, tells AFP it took him 10 years to get an ID card.</p>.<p>Last week he chose to speak out, posting a video on Facebook explaining the discrimination his community faces.</p>.<p>"I drove a taxi for eight years but only used to work at night because I couldn't apply for a licence without an ID card."</p>.<p>The least desirable label, however, is "Bengali", a pejorative term normally used to refer to the persecuted Rohingya.</p>.<p>Myanmar faces charges of genocide at the UN's top court after the military drove out about 7,50,000 Rohingya in a supposed crackdown on militants in 2017.</p>.<p>Many of the 6,00,000 who remain in Myanmar live in what Amnesty International calls "apartheid" conditions, refused citizenship and deprived of rights.</p>.<p>Mathieson says there have been numerous reports in recent years of other Muslims across Myanmar also being coerced into adopting "Bengali" as an identity.</p>.<p>He blames "racist and discriminatory" bureaucratic procedures rather than an official policy but warns the government has not tried to stamp the practice out.</p>.<p>The NLD has "more important agendas than pursuing a reverse engineering of a racist system many of their supporters are comfortable with".</p>.<p>An immigration department official, asking not to be named, refuted allegations of corruption and discrimination, insisting ID cards were granted in accordance with the law.</p>.<p>But Maung Cho says he thinks racism against Muslims is worse now than under the military junta, describing his community as "disappointed and depressed".</p>.<p>Many people he knows feel so disillusioned they plan not to vote in the upcoming election.</p>.<p>A campaign to boycott the vote is gathering pace.</p>.<p>Former student leader and political prisoner Sithu Maung is one of just two Muslims out of 1,143 NLD candidates. In 2015, the party fielded no Muslim candidates at all.</p>.<p>He says he understands his community's disappointment but denies times are worse than under the military.</p>.<p>"They should be optimistic about the future. The NLD has only had five years in power."</p>.<p>But optimism is in short supply among young people like May Thandar Maung.</p>.<p>"Even though I was born here, I can't vote and that's discrimination," she says.</p>
<p>One of Myanmar's five million young adults, May Thandar Maung had been excited to cast her ballot for the very first time in November's election.</p>.<p>But the 18-year-old is Muslim and says that means she will remain voiceless.</p>.<p>"My religion means I haven't been able to get an ID card," she tells AFP in her hometown of Meiktila in central Myanmar -- and no ID means no vote.</p>.<p>She describes how local officials have obstructed her attempts for over a year, while Buddhist peers faced no such delays, in a town where memories of brutal inter-communal violence in 2013 are still raw.</p>.<p>The majority-Buddhist nation is widely expected to return Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party to power on November 8 in the second polls since Myanmar emerged from outright military rule in 2011.</p>.<p>The country's Rohingya Muslims -- whether in Bangladeshi refugee shelters or confined to camps and villages in Myanmar -- will nearly all be completely disenfranchised.</p>.<p>But Myanmar also has many more Muslims of other ethnic heritage -- about four percent of the population -- whom the country, in theory, accepts as citizens.</p>.<p>In practice, however, it can be very different.</p>.<p>Muslims complained to AFP of systemic corruption, detailing how they are forced to pay backhanders of hundreds of dollars -- exorbitant rates in a country where a quarter of the population lives in poverty.</p>.<p>Three members of Maung Cho's family had to pay $370 each, the 53-year-old says, many times higher than the token sums of 'tea money' demanded of Buddhists.</p>.<p>Their experiences are echoed by Muslims across the country, says Yangon-based analyst David Mathieson.</p>.<p>"Anti-Muslim sentiment is ever-present with discrimination in schools, the workplace and access to government jobs," he says.</p>.<p>Challenges continue even for those who obtain an ID in a country where these cards state the holder's ethnicity.</p>.<p>Many Muslims say false ethnic identities, usually from South Asia, are increasingly being foisted on the community.</p>.<p>Maung Cho's family has lived in Myanmar for generations, yet when his renewed ID card came back, it labelled him as "Indian-Muslim".</p>.<p>"It must have been my beard," he tells AFP, ruefully.</p>.<p>Like other so-called "mixed-bloods", he now faces extra scrutiny at every ID check and must even stand in a separate queue at immigration offices.</p>.<p>Myanmar Hindus -- who number about 2,50,000 -- are also often branded as "mixed-bloods" and face similar problems.</p>.<p>Yangon-based Tun Min, 28, tells AFP it took him 10 years to get an ID card.</p>.<p>Last week he chose to speak out, posting a video on Facebook explaining the discrimination his community faces.</p>.<p>"I drove a taxi for eight years but only used to work at night because I couldn't apply for a licence without an ID card."</p>.<p>The least desirable label, however, is "Bengali", a pejorative term normally used to refer to the persecuted Rohingya.</p>.<p>Myanmar faces charges of genocide at the UN's top court after the military drove out about 7,50,000 Rohingya in a supposed crackdown on militants in 2017.</p>.<p>Many of the 6,00,000 who remain in Myanmar live in what Amnesty International calls "apartheid" conditions, refused citizenship and deprived of rights.</p>.<p>Mathieson says there have been numerous reports in recent years of other Muslims across Myanmar also being coerced into adopting "Bengali" as an identity.</p>.<p>He blames "racist and discriminatory" bureaucratic procedures rather than an official policy but warns the government has not tried to stamp the practice out.</p>.<p>The NLD has "more important agendas than pursuing a reverse engineering of a racist system many of their supporters are comfortable with".</p>.<p>An immigration department official, asking not to be named, refuted allegations of corruption and discrimination, insisting ID cards were granted in accordance with the law.</p>.<p>But Maung Cho says he thinks racism against Muslims is worse now than under the military junta, describing his community as "disappointed and depressed".</p>.<p>Many people he knows feel so disillusioned they plan not to vote in the upcoming election.</p>.<p>A campaign to boycott the vote is gathering pace.</p>.<p>Former student leader and political prisoner Sithu Maung is one of just two Muslims out of 1,143 NLD candidates. In 2015, the party fielded no Muslim candidates at all.</p>.<p>He says he understands his community's disappointment but denies times are worse than under the military.</p>.<p>"They should be optimistic about the future. The NLD has only had five years in power."</p>.<p>But optimism is in short supply among young people like May Thandar Maung.</p>.<p>"Even though I was born here, I can't vote and that's discrimination," she says.</p>