<p class="bodytext">The acceptance of the ‘B’ report in the Mysuru Urban Development Authority (MUDA) land allotment case by the Special Court for Elected Representatives marks a significant legal and political moment for Chief Minister Siddaramaiah. The closure report filed by the Lokayukta police has come as a decisive shot in the arm at a time when speculation is rife over a change in leadership. Had the report been rejected, Siddaramaiah’s position in both the government and the party would have become untenable. Instead, the order has blunted opposition demands for his resignation and has strengthened his grip over the Congress Legislature Party. For Siddaramaiah, who consistently took pride in a four-decade-long “unblemished” political career, the accusations had struck at the core of his public persona. The case centred on allegations of irregularities in the allotment of 14 compensatory sites by MUDA to the chief minister’s wife, B M Parvathi, with claims that undue benefit had accrued to his family. Although Parvathi sought the moral high ground by returning the sites, the gesture did not extinguish the legal process. The ‘clean chit’, which in legal terms signifies the absence of prosecutable evidence, clears Siddaramaiah, his wife, his brother-in-law Mallikarjuna Swamy and the original landowner Devaraj of criminal liability.</p>.<p class="bodytext">The road to this relief was, however, fraught with constitutional friction and legal skirmishes. Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot’s controversial 2024 decision to grant sanction for Siddaramaiah’s prosecution was described by the Congress as an attempt to destabilise the government. While a single bench of the High Court had upheld the Governor’s power to grant sanction, it had simultaneously provided a buffer by staying the notices issued by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) to Siddaramaiah and his family. The ED’s appeal was subsequently dismissed by the Supreme Court. The Lokayukta’s report now allows the Congress to argue that the entire episode was politically motivated.</p>.<p class="bodytext">However, this is not the end of the MUDA story. Activist Snehamayi Krishna, whose protest petition the special court dismissed, has indicated that he will approach the High Court. Moreover, the special court has directed that investigations into the larger MUDA irregularities must continue. The ED has already arrested a former MUDA commissioner and attached immovable assets worth over Rs 450 crore. Siddaramaiah may have won an important personal and political battle, but the state should ensure that the closure of the case against the Chief Minister does not signal the end of accountability for the systemic rot within MUDA.</p>
<p class="bodytext">The acceptance of the ‘B’ report in the Mysuru Urban Development Authority (MUDA) land allotment case by the Special Court for Elected Representatives marks a significant legal and political moment for Chief Minister Siddaramaiah. The closure report filed by the Lokayukta police has come as a decisive shot in the arm at a time when speculation is rife over a change in leadership. Had the report been rejected, Siddaramaiah’s position in both the government and the party would have become untenable. Instead, the order has blunted opposition demands for his resignation and has strengthened his grip over the Congress Legislature Party. For Siddaramaiah, who consistently took pride in a four-decade-long “unblemished” political career, the accusations had struck at the core of his public persona. The case centred on allegations of irregularities in the allotment of 14 compensatory sites by MUDA to the chief minister’s wife, B M Parvathi, with claims that undue benefit had accrued to his family. Although Parvathi sought the moral high ground by returning the sites, the gesture did not extinguish the legal process. The ‘clean chit’, which in legal terms signifies the absence of prosecutable evidence, clears Siddaramaiah, his wife, his brother-in-law Mallikarjuna Swamy and the original landowner Devaraj of criminal liability.</p>.<p class="bodytext">The road to this relief was, however, fraught with constitutional friction and legal skirmishes. Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot’s controversial 2024 decision to grant sanction for Siddaramaiah’s prosecution was described by the Congress as an attempt to destabilise the government. While a single bench of the High Court had upheld the Governor’s power to grant sanction, it had simultaneously provided a buffer by staying the notices issued by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) to Siddaramaiah and his family. The ED’s appeal was subsequently dismissed by the Supreme Court. The Lokayukta’s report now allows the Congress to argue that the entire episode was politically motivated.</p>.<p class="bodytext">However, this is not the end of the MUDA story. Activist Snehamayi Krishna, whose protest petition the special court dismissed, has indicated that he will approach the High Court. Moreover, the special court has directed that investigations into the larger MUDA irregularities must continue. The ED has already arrested a former MUDA commissioner and attached immovable assets worth over Rs 450 crore. Siddaramaiah may have won an important personal and political battle, but the state should ensure that the closure of the case against the Chief Minister does not signal the end of accountability for the systemic rot within MUDA.</p>
