<p>The recent controversy sparked by DMK parliamentarian Tiruchi N Siva’s remarks about K Kamaraj, a leader so widely respected that even his staunchest political opponents rarely criticise him in today’s political scenario, has needlessly strained Congress-DMK relations in Tamil Nadu. This is undoubtedly an ill-timed friction, as the long-standing alliance approaches a crucial election in 2026. </p>.<p>Kamaraj was more than just a typical Congressman; he embodied a rare balance between national and regional political philosophies. He emerged at a time when Tamil Nadu’s political landscape was charged with radical energy. Iyothee Thass Pandithar and John Rathinam had launched the Dravida Pandian magazine to voice opposition to caste-based oppression, while the Justice Party challenged Brahmin dominance in politics. Periyar’s E V Ramasamy’s Self-Respect Movement and later the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK) shattered social orthodoxies through rationalist critique.</p>.<p>Kamaraj was profoundly influenced by these social discourses on caste privilege, access to education, and questions of equity—ideas that came largely from his political opponents. His ability to absorb and act on these influences, despite ideological differences, speaks to the organic quality of his intellect. </p>.<p>Nothing exemplifies this influence more than his determined opposition to Rajaji’s Kula Kalvi Thittam (Hereditary Education Policy), a dual-session scheme for elementary education under which children would receive formal instruction in one session and be sent home to learn their family’s occupation in the other. Though presented as practical skills training, the scheme would have ossified caste hierarchies by steering children into occupations determined by birth. </p>.<p>Periyar vehemently opposed the proposal, arguing that historically marginalised communities needed undivided access to academic learning to overcome generational disadvantages and compete on equal footing. Despite being a Congressman, Kamaraj aligned with this critique and contested his party leader. He recognised that genuine democratisation required dismantling, not reinforcing, traditional hierarchies.</p>.<p>Upon becoming chief minister, Kamaraj implemented transformative education policies deeply influenced by Dravidian ideals of social justice. The pioneering midday meal scheme addressed not only hunger but also the social barriers that kept marginalised children out of classrooms. Though these initiatives were launched under a Congress banner, they echoed the Self-Respect Movement’s assertion that education was central to dignity and emancipation.</p>.<p>The 1962 and 1967 general elections in Tamil Nadu marked an ironic yet important moment. Despite leading the Dravidar Kazhagam, Periyar endorsed the Congress and Kamaraj, stating, “…Kamaraj will safeguard the interests of the Tamils. He is my heir.” </p>.<p>In 1969, after his split with Indira Gandhi, Kamaraj pioneered the formation of the Indian National Congress (Organisation) against the Indian National Congress (Requisitionists), standing firmly against autocratic impulses within his own party, a stance that echoes self-respect and social justice. </p>.<p>Rahul Gandhi’s current political discourse echoes Kamaraj more than his grandmother, Indira Gandhi, whose leadership was marked by centralised power. His rhetoric frequently invokes themes of social justice and structural inequality. Perhaps his long stint in the opposition, unlike his grandmother and father, has fostered a political outlook more attuned to resisting hegemony than perpetuating it. </p>.<p>His reference to M K Stalin as an ‘elder brother’, along with his resonance with Dravidian positions on language policy, state autonomy, caste census, and delimitation, suggests a conscious alignment with the progressive potential in regional political traditions. This ‘Dravidanesque,’ justice-driven approach within the otherwise conservative Congress might also explain why he has not ascended as a dominant central leader in the manner of his predecessors. </p>.<p>Beyond the momentary tensions sparked by Tiruchi N Siva’s remarks and the ensuing war of words from TN Congress leaders, only two voices matter in sustaining the decade-long Congress-DMK alliance: M K Stalin and Rahul Gandhi. Their shared conviction echoes Kamaraj’s commitment to balancing national and sub-national interests and Periyar’s social justice ethos. It is a political partnership that blurs rigid party lines to pursue a progressive path forward. </p>.<p><em>(The writer is assistant professor, Department of English and Cultural Studies, Christ Deemed to be University, Bengaluru)</em> </p>
<p>The recent controversy sparked by DMK parliamentarian Tiruchi N Siva’s remarks about K Kamaraj, a leader so widely respected that even his staunchest political opponents rarely criticise him in today’s political scenario, has needlessly strained Congress-DMK relations in Tamil Nadu. This is undoubtedly an ill-timed friction, as the long-standing alliance approaches a crucial election in 2026. </p>.<p>Kamaraj was more than just a typical Congressman; he embodied a rare balance between national and regional political philosophies. He emerged at a time when Tamil Nadu’s political landscape was charged with radical energy. Iyothee Thass Pandithar and John Rathinam had launched the Dravida Pandian magazine to voice opposition to caste-based oppression, while the Justice Party challenged Brahmin dominance in politics. Periyar’s E V Ramasamy’s Self-Respect Movement and later the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK) shattered social orthodoxies through rationalist critique.</p>.<p>Kamaraj was profoundly influenced by these social discourses on caste privilege, access to education, and questions of equity—ideas that came largely from his political opponents. His ability to absorb and act on these influences, despite ideological differences, speaks to the organic quality of his intellect. </p>.<p>Nothing exemplifies this influence more than his determined opposition to Rajaji’s Kula Kalvi Thittam (Hereditary Education Policy), a dual-session scheme for elementary education under which children would receive formal instruction in one session and be sent home to learn their family’s occupation in the other. Though presented as practical skills training, the scheme would have ossified caste hierarchies by steering children into occupations determined by birth. </p>.<p>Periyar vehemently opposed the proposal, arguing that historically marginalised communities needed undivided access to academic learning to overcome generational disadvantages and compete on equal footing. Despite being a Congressman, Kamaraj aligned with this critique and contested his party leader. He recognised that genuine democratisation required dismantling, not reinforcing, traditional hierarchies.</p>.<p>Upon becoming chief minister, Kamaraj implemented transformative education policies deeply influenced by Dravidian ideals of social justice. The pioneering midday meal scheme addressed not only hunger but also the social barriers that kept marginalised children out of classrooms. Though these initiatives were launched under a Congress banner, they echoed the Self-Respect Movement’s assertion that education was central to dignity and emancipation.</p>.<p>The 1962 and 1967 general elections in Tamil Nadu marked an ironic yet important moment. Despite leading the Dravidar Kazhagam, Periyar endorsed the Congress and Kamaraj, stating, “…Kamaraj will safeguard the interests of the Tamils. He is my heir.” </p>.<p>In 1969, after his split with Indira Gandhi, Kamaraj pioneered the formation of the Indian National Congress (Organisation) against the Indian National Congress (Requisitionists), standing firmly against autocratic impulses within his own party, a stance that echoes self-respect and social justice. </p>.<p>Rahul Gandhi’s current political discourse echoes Kamaraj more than his grandmother, Indira Gandhi, whose leadership was marked by centralised power. His rhetoric frequently invokes themes of social justice and structural inequality. Perhaps his long stint in the opposition, unlike his grandmother and father, has fostered a political outlook more attuned to resisting hegemony than perpetuating it. </p>.<p>His reference to M K Stalin as an ‘elder brother’, along with his resonance with Dravidian positions on language policy, state autonomy, caste census, and delimitation, suggests a conscious alignment with the progressive potential in regional political traditions. This ‘Dravidanesque,’ justice-driven approach within the otherwise conservative Congress might also explain why he has not ascended as a dominant central leader in the manner of his predecessors. </p>.<p>Beyond the momentary tensions sparked by Tiruchi N Siva’s remarks and the ensuing war of words from TN Congress leaders, only two voices matter in sustaining the decade-long Congress-DMK alliance: M K Stalin and Rahul Gandhi. Their shared conviction echoes Kamaraj’s commitment to balancing national and sub-national interests and Periyar’s social justice ethos. It is a political partnership that blurs rigid party lines to pursue a progressive path forward. </p>.<p><em>(The writer is assistant professor, Department of English and Cultural Studies, Christ Deemed to be University, Bengaluru)</em> </p>