Saffron hued with grey

This rather sympathetic work is an attempt to re-brand RSS by highlighting its humanitarian side and steering clear of the unpalatable stuff.

A grand memorial for B R Ambedkar at Lucknow is the latest in the Sangh Parivaar outreach to Dalits ahead of next year's UP Legislative Assembly elections. The re-invention of Ambedkar and appropriation of other icons from marginalised communities have yielded excellent electoral dividends to the BJP since the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. This is part of a well-designed strategy to mobilise all social groups with an overarching Hindutva narrative. It is here that the role of RSS, the fountainhead of Hindutva ideology, comes into focus.

Republic Of Hindutva: How The Sangh Is Reshaping Indian Democracy is a new book that attempts to show RSS in a new light in the context of the elections in 2014 and 2019. Authored by social scientist Badri Narayan, the book contends that RSS is changing and evolving. 'New' RSS volunteers are not armed with sticks and spears, but with smartphones, hi-tech communication technology and the power of social media, he says. In addition to the VHP and Bajrang Dal, and smaller organisations like Vidya Bharati and Saraswati Shishu Mandir schools, there are about 800 NGOs working under the RSS banner and spreading the message of Hindutva, right from the grassroots level.

What is the 'real' RSS?

Narayan compares RSS to the tip of an iceberg. ''The part which is invisible is much larger than the part which is visible''. Claiming that RSS is a reality and a myth, Narayan states: ''The new RSS, in a break from its old radical image, does not want to create communal tensions in society.'' But this sweeping statement is not backed by any data on the change in the RSS mindset, if any. The author also faults opposition parties for their attacks on the organisation. ''These parties are attacking the shadow of the RSS, but are unable to understand the real RSS...''

Republic of Hindutva, based on extensive field studies and interviews with RSS cadres, mostly in UP, gives a ringside view of RSS campaigns at the grassroots level. In the caste-ridden politics of UP, the RSS evolved a clever strategy of wooing backward OBCs and Dalits. The RSS Pracharaks appeared sympathetic to the demand of these communities for their own religious space and development. Soon their heroes got glorified as Hindu warriors and protectors of Hindu dharma. The effort ostensibly was to subsume Dalit identity within the larger Hindu identity. In the Sangh discourse, Ambedkar's critique of the caste system is ignored; the Mahabharata character Ekalavya becomes a dharmaparayan, a Dalit who followed his dharma, when he sacrificed his thumb in reverence to his guru. They underplay the injustice by Dronacharya. But that said, RSS cadres have a formidable task in dealing with assertive Dalits. The Sangh bid to embrace Dalits may not be palatable to its core supporters though they might buy the political and cultural logic behind the endeavour.

Astonishing claim?

One chapter discusses the role of RSS cadres in building up the the 2014 parliamentary election campaign in favour of the BJP and reshaping the electoral image of Narendra Modi. Though RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat claimed that projecting Modi was not their agenda, in reality, RSS cadres were fully focussed on promoting Modi's image. Narayan quotes newspaper reports that about one lakh RSS group leaders and six lakh cadres from 42,000 units across the country were working full time to ensure BJP's victory. RSS cadres sent feedback on Modi's speeches and gauged public response. Evidently, RSS is no more content to remain as a non-playing captain.

Narayan does not pause to explain what Hindutva is or whether Hindutva values are reconcilable with democratic values. But he makes the astonishing claim that the 'new RSS' has bowed to ''democratic imperatives such as equality and justice.'' The book is silent on the threat posed to the republic by the rise of Hindutva majoritarianism and the prevailing atmosphere of fear and hatred. A major flaw is the author's failure to acknowledge RSS' links with sectarian violence. He seems to accept RSS pracharaks' claim that ''the blame of communal riots damage their credibility and reputation, which they acquire through hard work.''

But the fact of the matter is, with the increasing presence of RSS in western UP, communal riots and subsequent polarisation have been beneficial to the BJP. Another fallout of Hindutva mobilisation is that it has pitted Dalits and Muslims against each other. The Sangh Parivaar is now against large communal riots. The focus has shifted to localised small clashes, which are more effective in stockpiling tension with minimal effort. According to police records, 600 communal incidents or small religious conflicts took place in UP since the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Though RSS is not keen on escalating small clashes, it uses the post-clash impact to strengthen its Hindutva ideology.

This sympathetic work is another attempt to re-brand RSS by highlighting its humanitarian activities while ignoring the unpalatable ones. A book of this kind by a social scientist should have provided insights, but it falls short as it is UP-centric. A successful RSS strategy in UP is no guarantee of its success elsewhere. The reshaping of Indian democracy is not confined to Uttar Pradesh. But the book helps in a better understanding of the electoral politics of the state.