A battle within the margins: The reservation dispute

The state government's reservation formula consolidates diverse communities but leaves many nomadic SC groups demanding more equitable representation.

Bengaluru, Koppal, Hosapete: The corridors of power buzzed with movement and intrigue at the Vidhana Soudha the night of August 19, as Chief Minister Siddaramaiah’s Cabinet walked a political tightrope on the issue of internal reservation for Scheduled Castes.

Hundreds of police officers waited at the gates, as fears of backlash continued to build.  

After hours of deliberation, the government decided to implement internal reservation in Karnataka by making ‘necessary’ changes to the Justice HN Nagamohan Das Commission report. The cabinet decided to adopt a 6:6:5 formula (with an overall 17% reservation available to SC communities in Karnataka), which was accepted by the three major stakeholders: the Holeyas, the Madigas and the SC group comprising Lambani, Bhovi, Korama and Koracha. 

The fourth major section, comprising 59 nomadic, semi-nomadic and highly sensitive SC communities, was disheartened by the outcome. The Das Commission had classified SC communities into five groups (A, B, C, D, E). It grouped 59 sub-castes under group A, categorising them ‘most backward’ and recommended 1% of reservation be earmarked for them. The commission’s formula was thus: A (1%), B (6%), C (5%), D (4%) and E (1%). However, the government’s 6:5:5 formula consolidated the five groups into three, merging 59 communities with the Lambani, Bhovi, Korma, and Korcha communities under Group D, which the commission termed ‘less backward’ sections.

With protests starting that very night, Freedom Park has since witnessed many nomadic communities demonstrating against the Karnataka government’s decision. Many of those in attendance at these demonstrations have travelled in from across the state, despite financial difficulties. Nearly a month has passed, and after inconclusive talks with the government, the communities have continued their struggle and urged the government to implement the Das Commission report in its original form. In a show of strength, thousands of protestors staged a ‘Bengaluru Chalo’ walk on September 3 at Freedom Park. They served an ultimatum to the government, threatening to stop the Winter Session of Assembly in Belagavi if their demands were not met.

Distinct groups

It is well recognised that Dalits and Adivasis continue to be among the most disadvantaged in socio-educational and economic terms when compared to other Hindu castes. According to the Das Commission report, nearly 75% of Dalits still face untouchability in some form. Yet, the levels of deprivation are not uniform across Dalit communities.

In its ruling in Davinder Singh vs State of Punjab, the Supreme Court observed that Scheduled Castes cannot be treated as a homogeneous group. 

The Das Commission refers to this judgment, noting the findings of a study by the Robert F Kennedy Centre, which documented how practices of untouchability persist within Dalit communities — particularly in relation to food, water and religious life.

The Supreme Court’s landmark ruling on August 1, 2024, opened the way for states to provide internal reservations within SC and ST categories. Following Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Haryana, Karnataka became the fourth state in the country to implement such a policy. The Das Commission highlights sharp disparities among the state’s 101 Scheduled Caste groups.

Of the 6.33 lakh SC graduates in Karnataka, 4.49 lakh (71%) belong to four communities: Holeya, Madiga, Banjara and Bhovi. Similarly, of 7,516 MBBS graduates, 5,229 (69.57%) are from these same four groups.

By contrast, several nomadic communities of the 59 communities categorised as ‘most backward’ remain almost entirely excluded from higher education and professional opportunities. Fourteen of these communities have no engineers, 40 do not have a single MBBS graduate, and 54 have never produced a PhD holder.

The gap is visible even among nomadic groups. Of the four communities that DH studied closely, the Chenna Dasars, Beda Jangamas and Sudugadu Siddhas have secured some representation in government jobs. The Sindhollu community, however, has none, across Groups A, B, C and D. 

Basavaraj (28), from the Sudugadu Siddha community’s colony in Hosapete, Vijayanagar, is one of the very few graduates in his colony, yet he continues to struggle for a stable job. “After completing my degree, I worked in Bengaluru in the motor division, where I would earn Rs 10,000 to Rs 12,000 per month, and another Rs 1,000 to Rs 1,200 if I did overtime. I worked for a private firm, and also as a labourer. Currently, I am searching for a job,” he says. He believes that dedicated reservations could improve access to jobs.

Political representation

One of the biggest hurdles for the 59 communities that have been consolidated has been their relatively small population (5.22 lakh) and lack of political representation. The only MLA from these communities is Congress leader Kothur Manjunath, who represents the Kolar Assembly seat. 

“The main issue is that these communities have very small numbers, and are not concentrated in one place – they are scattered. These scattered, small groups cannot contest and win elections. Since they are economically poor and politically not powerful, they should get representation in boards, corporations. Suitable persons from these communities have to be identified and nominated,” said an expert who wished to remain anonymous.

Writer and public intellectual Devanur Mahadeva explains that since accessing political representation and benefits is difficult for the alemari (nomadic) communities, reservations can play a corrective role. “If 4% of the population that is educationally, socially and economically advanced can get 10% reservation under the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) category, the alemaris (around 0.7% of Karnataka’s population) should get 2% reservation. For the time being, they should get at least 1% reservation,” he says. 

Pradeep, a PhD student at the Hampi Kannada University, pursuing his doctorate on his Chenna Dasar community, says: “Till now, we have not had proper representation in the government or in politics. If we get at least 1% reservation, we can find leaders to represent our issues.” 

Dwellings

In the towns and villages of North Karnataka, communities such as the Beda/Budga Jangama, Chenna Dasar, Sindhollu and Sudugadu Siddha communities live at the intersection of faith and folklore and often live on the margins, depending on music, rituals and beggary for income.

Families live in small huts built on narrow strips of land allotted by the government decades ago under housing schemes for marginalised groups. Over the years, as generations have grown, these cramped dwellings, often no more than 10 by 12 feet, have had to accommodate eight to ten members under a single roof.

“Everyone has to live here only,” says Krishna. “We make some arrangements, tie sarees and allow the newly-weds to stay there. Some sleep on the road. Whenever it rains, we keep a tub inside to collect the dripping water. The children are put to sleep in places that are warm, while the adults remain awake through the night to ensure the water doesn’t overflow.”

The pressures of overcrowding are compounded by the absence of basic amenities. Separate bathrooms and toilets are rare. In several colonies, bathing takes place in a common spot, often in the open. For women and young girls, the lack of privacy can be deeply uncomfortable. The huts often serve as shelters for animals too, including dogs, cats and goats, adding to the congestion.

Poor education levels

Education remains one of the biggest hurdles for many communities who are protesting today. School enrolment is low, and even among those who continue, disinterest often sets in early. The wider picture, however, reflects the depth of the crisis. 

According to the Justice Das Commission, the 59 “most backward” communities account for 5.22 lakh people, or 4.97% of the Scheduled Caste population in Karnataka. Yet, only 34,653 individuals, a mere 6.64%, are PUC holders — the lowest across the five sub-groups identified by the Commission. Graduates are even fewer: just 19,085 people, or 3.66%.

Poverty, family responsibilities, and the lack of support at home pull many children away from classrooms. Jambanna, a fisherman from the Sindhollu community, explains how livelihood needs affect children’s schooling. “Our children are not regularly going to school. We leave home around 3 in the morning, cast the nets and wait until daybreak. After selling the catch, we return by 8 or 10 am. By then, the children would have skipped school and gone to play.”

For many parents, the desire for their children to study comes from their own experiences of hardship. “We did not go to school and faced many problems. We were also into begging. When we went to a house, they would refuse us, not even give water, pouring it from a distance,” recalls Manjamma, a Chenna Dasar woman from Ginigera in Koppal taluk. “We have adjusted to this life. But our children should study well, like others, and live with dignity. For them to come up in life, the government has to help us. If not, whom do we turn to?”

Over the years, there has also been a generational shift among nomadic communities. Older people continue in their hereditary professions, often tied to performative skills, while younger members are moving away from them.  

Brahmananda (78), from the Sudugadu Siddha community’s colony in Hospet, Vijayanagar, recalls his career as a musician. “I would participate in dramas. When I sought the musicians’ monthly pension, they asked for hand bills. Though I had these bills earlier, they were lost in a fire. Without documents, they are not giving that pension. Now, I merely get my old-age pension of Rs 1,200, which is a pittance.”

Some proponents of the government’s 6:6:5 formula have argued that nomadic communities do not face untouchability in the same form as Holeyas and Madigas. 

However, several scholars have disputed this, noting that untouchability continues to be practised against the nomadic communities.  

The Karnataka SC Development Corporation uses government grants and works alongside nationalised commercial banks to implement certain projects to benefit the nomadic SCs. These include self-employment, land ownership, micro credit schemes, Ganga Kalyana, Housing and layout formation programmes. Currently, 51 SC communities are included in this list, including Korma and Korcha communities.

Way forward

After the Cabinet’s decision, leaders of nomadic communities met Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and pressed for the 1% reservation recommended by Justice Das. The Chief Minister is said to have conveyed that changes to the order are not possible at this stage, though a special package for the communities is being considered. Internal reservation activists claim Siddaramaiah admitted that the current arrangement amounts to ‘social injustice’, but said he was ‘helpless’ to alter it.

Speaking to DH, Kothur Manjunath says, “Many nomadic communities continue to face deep inequalities and live in makeshift structures. I have requested the CM multiple times. We are also fighting a legal battle on this. We will approach the courts.”

Government sources indicated that a relief package may soon be announced. “We will form a permanent SC commission on the lines of the Backward Classes Commission. They can take their appeals there. The commission will listen to their grievances and convey them to the government. We will not let them down,” a top government functionary told DH.

Amid these developments, public intellectuals, Dalit activists and concerned citizens are worried that infighting is weakening broader Dalit unity. Some observers note that the response from SC (Right) organisations representing Holeyas and some other Dalit communities has been muted. 

At a time when 51,788 government jobs reserved for SCs are yet to be filled, some activists feel that all Dalit communities should come together, and unite with government workers from all communities to fight against the neo-liberal policies of successive governments. The Madiga community, which fought for decades for internal reservation, has also refrained from celebrating and has instead expressed solidarity with nomadic communities.

Devanur Mahadeva hailed their position. “The Madiga-related communities are openly supporting the Alemaris, which is appreciable. Among Group B (Holeya and affiliated castes), support has been more individual. There is a need for unity. Unfortunately, some factions within Group C who were instigated by the RSS and BJP opposed the 1% quota for Alemaris. That is truly disheartening.”

It is widely accepted that the internal reservation issue is much more complicated in Karnataka than in most states. Unlike other states, Karnataka has Banjara, Bhovi, Korma and Korcha communities in the SC list. Telangana and Andhra Pradesh have created three groups for internal reservation, where 1% is reserved for nomadic communities. 

In Haryana, SCs have been divided into two categories – Deprived SCs (DSCs) and Other SCs (OSCs). Of the four states which have implemented the policy, two are ruled by the Congress (Telangana and Karnataka), one is ruled by the BJP (Haryana), and Andhra Pradesh is ruled by the NDA government headed by N Chandrababu Naidu. 

In the state, nomadic communities are intensifying their efforts. Along with protests and legal moves, the Confederation of Untouchable Nomadic Communities has written to the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi. The organisation plans to take a delegation of 1,000 nomadic Dalits from Karnataka to Delhi on October 2 to place their demands before him.