Naari Shakti is more than cash transfers

While political parties' schemes for women sound particularly alluring to the most downtrodden, this is destructive in the sense that it undermines much of what the feminist movement in India fought for.

It seems we have come quite far — far enough to acknowledge the relevance of the women’s voter base in India. Consequently, various political parties have clamoured to get their proposals heard, ranging from promises of cash transfers to schemes that help realise women’s Shakti. Recently, Congress announced its ‘5 Naari Nyay Promises’. More importantly, the ‘Mahalaxmi’ scheme promises a cash transfer of Rs 1 lakh every year to women from poor families. Even with a modest estimate of beneficiaries, this scheme would amount to 0.7% of India’s GDP.

While all these sound particularly alluring to the most downtrodden, this is destructive in the sense that it undermines much of what the feminist movement in India fought for. Indian feminists did not advocate wreaking fiscal havoc by demanding cash transfers, nor did they ignore women’s inherent inner ‘Shakti’ as ethereal beings,
aka goddesses. However, what the Indian feminist movement did fight for was the emancipation of women from the abyss that Indian societal constructs had cast them into. While these constructs remain as strong as ever, Indian feminism has transformed into a more populist and political version of itself. This means that feminist populism sells more than ever in these times, whether through cash transfer schemes or meagre monthly stipends. But a word of caution: whether these cash transfers are for goddesses or nyay (i.e., justice), these schemes offer no long-term financial incentive for women in the real sense. Conditional or unconditional transfers to women in the form of liquid cash in the short term usually run the risk of abuse and misuse in a patriarchal setup. Although in the short term it may lead to better household outcomes, this provides no security to women in their years of dependency.

However, a segment of women who do need real long-term financial security is domestic homemakers; almost 160 million women in India spend an average of 297 minutes a day on household chores. While these acts are considered gratuitous and selfless contributions to nation-building, they aren’t valued either in a monetary capacity or as a statistic in the GDP of India. So where does this invisible service, the backbone of Indian society, disappear when it comes to its valuation and compensation?

While many scholars, politicians, and parties have asked this question recently, none of these initiatives or conversations have translated into a tangible system to compensate homemakers for their working hours and the opportunity cost of giving up a career. In a larger context, these attempts have been misconstrued and misinterpreted. One such attempt was made by Krishna Tirath, the then Minister of State for Women and Child Development under the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government. The government was considering a move to make it mandatory for men to part with a portion of their monthly salary for their wives engaged in household chores through proposed legislation. Similar assertions about securing a salary for homemakers have been made by Kamal Hasan’s party campaign. However, this has faced similar backlash, mostly from women who fear that this move will institutionalise the husband’s role as the provider, leading to sanctioned exploitation of homemakers. They argue that this move might just make women more dependent on men for their economic survival. Although these worries are genuine, the solution still lies out of reach.

The solution will emerge when the problem is analysed through a feminist lens. A feminist take would focus on the sheer helplessness of homemakers in their old age, when economic dependency shifts from the husband to the son. After a lifetime of work, women in their old age are left with little to no financial security and many regrets.

A survey conducted last year by the Agewell Foundation reveals that over 71% of elderly women are dependent on others for basic requirements, and over 45% of these women face discrimination from their family members.

A possible fix to this centuries-old issue could be found in providing social security benefits to homemakers, as their acts have already been popularly classified as gratuitous. Why not pay them the gratuity they deserve for their uninterrupted service through the years?

This could be implemented through legislation that provides social security benefits to homemakers akin to retirement benefits. The legislation will have to devise certain eligibility parameters to put in place a system that rightfully values women’s contribution to nation-building. This would be a big step in empowering women financially while also ensuring the country’s economic growth. For all the talk of Naari Shakti and Naari Nyay, real empowerment does not mean cash transfers or an illusion of power. Real empowerment for Naari in today’s India is economic independence and control over their lives and destinies.