‘Persecution’ of minorities: Bangladesh govt ambivalent on secularism

Whenever political turbulence or regime change occurs in Bangladesh, ethnic and religious minorities face increased marginalisation and violence. Hate crimes and communal tensions—those that simmer beneath the surface—abound at critical historical junctures. The violence against Bangladeshi Hindus in 1946-47, 1971, 1990, 1992, 2001, 2013, and in 2024 is stark evidence of this pattern. Despite Bangladesh’s constitutional commitment to secularism, the government’s ambivalence and the rise of Islamist groups have allowed attacks on religious minorities, bloggers, and secular activists to continue unabated. A report by the Bangladesh branch of the Berlin-based human rights group, Transparency International, highlights that minorities have been targeted in more than 2,000 incidents of violence since Sheikh Hasina fled the country.

Reports of violence against minorities during and after the boycott-ridden and controversial elections early this year have raised questions about Awami League (AL)’s commitment to protecting minorities. The pre- and post-poll violence this year showed how, even under the AL rule, Hindus, in particular, became easy targets. Anti-election activists ransacked their homes and properties, assuming that Hindus defied threats and voted for the ruling AL. The violent protests following the arrest of Chinmoy Krishna Das, a Hindu monk advocating for his community’s rights, sparked global outrage. The interim government, led by Muhammad Yunus, has so far failed to ensure the safety of the country’s 20 million religious minorities—Hindus, Christians, and Buddhists—who are targeted by Islamist majoritarian mobs.

Bangladesh has made significant strides since its birth in 1971, including the achievement of democratic continuity. However, the tradition of military-dictatorial rulers has been replaced by political Islam and communal fanaticism. This is particularly tragic given that Bangladesh’s creation was premised on rejecting Pakistan’s model—a quasi-democratic, military-dominated, non-secular Islamic state. India’s relationship with Bangladesh has alternated between friendship and hostility, depending on whether the AL (1971-1975, 1996-2001, 2009 to August 2024) or non-AL governments, including military regimes, were in power.

Scholars attribute much of Bangladesh’s religious fanaticism to General Ziaur Rahman’s 1977 revisions to the secular Constitution. These changes included scrapping of Article 12 (Secularism and Freedom of Religion) and modifying Article 38 to allow religion-based political parties. It was a big step that paved the way for the growth of religious fanaticism in Bangladesh. Through the fifth amendment, Bengali nationalism was replaced by Bangladeshi nationalism, which, according to the 2005 High Court verdict, undermined the very sovereign character of the republic. A constitutional amendment was passed in 2011, which was said to have restored “the secular nature of the state while also confirming Islam as the official religion.” It was yet another military ruler, General H M Ershad, who made Islam the State religion by amending the constitution.

Today, institutional corruption, religious intolerance, and Islamist militancy plague Bangladesh. The battle between the forces of religious fanaticism and secular democracy alongside Bengali nationalism defines its existential struggle. The Yunus-led interim government recently lifted a ban on the Jamaat-e-Islami party previously outlawed by Sheikh Hasina’s government, signalling a shift towards Islamist policies.

After the 9/11 attacks on the United States, and with Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) installed as part of the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government coalition led by Begum Khaleda Zia, tensions have worsened. There were reports of increased cases of “communal” violence. Religious violence marred the 2001 elections, and militant Islamist groups operating in the country gained prominence. Since 1999, bombings of secular Bengali cultural festivals, events, and institutions became frequent in places such as Tangail, Mymensingh, Jessore, and Dhaka, along with reports of attacks on churches and on AL and leftist political party offices. In 2003, a militant organisation called the Ja’amatul Mujaheedin Bangladesh (JMB) made its presence felt after a bomb factory exploded in the staff residence of a local madrassa.

However, the December 2008 elections marked a milestone. With high voter turnout and credible results, the elections rekindled hopes for democracy in Bangladesh. The AL-led alliance secured a landslide victory (four-fifths of parliament seats), while the BNP and its allies recorded their worst ever defeat. The defeat of the Islamists, particularly the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI), fulfilled two key conditions for democratic transition: an election in which all parties participated and the peaceful transfer of power.

Again in 2013, Shahbag protests further underscored the demand for justice and secularism. Protestors called for capital punishment for those convicted of crimes against humanity during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War and a ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, whose leaders were convicted of genocide during the 1971 war.

Despite the initial momentum, the movement lost steam, while violent agitations by BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami continued, destabilising the nation. 

In Empire’s Last Casualty: Indian Subcontinent’s Vanishing Hindu and Other Minorities, Sachi G Dastidar reveals a disturbing trend: from 1947 to 2001, nearly 49 million Hindus “vanished” from Bangladesh, a demographic disaster, if one is mindful of the consequences of communalism in the Indian subcontinent and its incendiary potential.

The international repercussions of the systematic persecution of minorities in Bangladesh will not only be great but will drag the nation back to a course of atavistic communalism.

The interim government has declared that elections will only be held after systemic reforms. Muhammad Yunus must ensure that the hired cabals do not attempt to cleanse Bangladesh of its largest minorities. 

(The writer is a Kolkata-based 
commentator on geopolitics, development, and culture)