<p>India’s Africa policy is showing clear signs of renewed momentum. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visits to Ghana and Namibia, en route to and from the BRICS Summit, presented a well-calibrated opportunity to re-engage with long-standing partners in West and Southern Africa. </p>.<p>A major outreach by Ministry of External Affairs Secretary Dammu Ravi successfully reconnected India with the African Union Commission (AUC), elected in February 2025. A promising sign is the appointment of Muhammad Ali Yusuf, ex-Djibouti Foreign Minister, as AUC Chair. His familiarity with India’s cooperation framework bodes well for future engagement.</p>.<p>The visit of the President of Angola, who currently chairs the AU, in May 2025 was instrumental in reinvigorating India-AU engagement. Angola, along with Namibia and Ghana, acknowledge the value of India’s partnership.</p>.<p>Parallelly, India’s parliamentary delegations visited seven African countries—Algeria, Egypt, Liberia, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, and South Africa—soon after Operation Sindoor. A delegation also met with the AUC, where the warmth they encountered added momentum to India’s Africa outreach.</p>.<p>India’s successful advocacy for the AU’s permanent membership in the G20 has created a fresh opportunity to re-anchor its engagement with the organisation. The most logical platform for this is the fourth India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS-IV), which could serve as a strategic pivot for a reinvigorated partnership. Optimism is building that the long-delayed summi--last held in 2015--will finally resume. The main challenge lies in aligning with the AU’s busy calendar, which includes TICAD IX in August, the EU–Africa Summit in November, and Turkey–Africa in 2026</p>.<p>Structurally, a revived IAFS may benefit from returning to its original Banjul Formula, which brought together five NEPAD founding countries (Senegal, Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, and Algeria) and the eight chairs of Africa’s Regional Economic Communities (RECs). While the 2015 summit was notable for inviting all 54 African nations, a smaller but more representative group this time may enable sharper dialogue and deliverables.</p>.<p>Under the current REC configuration, likely invitees could include leaders from Kenya (EAC), Equatorial Guinea (ECCAS), Libya (AMU), Chad (CEN-SAD), Djibouti (IGAD), Egypt (COMESA), Nigeria (ECOWAS), and Madagascar (SADC). Should Addis Ababa be chosen as the venue, honouring Africa’s turn to host, inviting Ethiopia’s PM would be appropriate, ensuring representation of all African BRICS members.</p>.<p>Africa now holds a rising place in India’s foreign policy. Bilateral trade reached $100 billion in 2024–2025, with Indian exports exceeding $45 billion. The African Continental Free Trading Ares (AfCFTA) offers new possibilities for continent-wide supply chains, regional manufacturing hubs, and trilateral ventures with partners. India’s FDI stock in Africa stood at $75 billion by 2022, with that year alone seeing a record $22 billion in fresh investments by Indian companies.</p>.<p>Going forward, India needs a new economic strategy for Africa. The extant approach, driven by concessional lines of credit and grants, has run its course. Many African governments now prefer FDI and public-private partnerships that do not exacerbate sovereign debt vulnerabilities.</p>.<p>One option is to launch an India Development Initiative, anchored in the MEA with support from ministries, industry, academia, and venture capital. This would promote an FDI-first cooperation model targeting SMEs and Indian firms active in Africa. The decade-long Sankalp Africa Summits in Nairobi exemplify success by catalysing private investment for SDGs. Recently, its parent, Aavishkaar Fund, secured $40 million from JICA to strengthen Africa-India supply chains.</p>.<p>Support mechanisms could include new bilateral investment treaties, double taxation avoidance agreements, and buyback deals (like pulses from Tanzania and Mozambique). Indian banks in Africa would also benefit from subsidised credit lines and risk guarantees, enabling them to offer competitive lending terms to Indian investors. The proposed initiative could create a Revolving Consulting Fund for feasibility studies and DPRs of African projects, reimbursed upon securing financing. This would help Indian firms build viable project pipelines and access the Africa Investment Forum’s $1 trillion project opportunities.</p>.<p>India’s mixed record with AU- and REC-level grant projects has led to a preference for bilateral implementation. A reimagined IAFS, however, could enable dialogue on global economic, climate, and governance trends shaping India–Africa cooperation. A Track 1.5 Forum with the AU could address climate, terrorism, HADR, agriculture, and security, embedding the Indian model in African policy. The AU Commission’s recent visit to the CDRI reflects this approach.</p>.<p><em>(The writer has served as India’s ambassador to Germany, Indonesia, and Ethiopia and is the author of The Harambee Factor: India and Africa <br>Partnership)</em></p><p>(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.)</p>
<p>India’s Africa policy is showing clear signs of renewed momentum. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visits to Ghana and Namibia, en route to and from the BRICS Summit, presented a well-calibrated opportunity to re-engage with long-standing partners in West and Southern Africa. </p>.<p>A major outreach by Ministry of External Affairs Secretary Dammu Ravi successfully reconnected India with the African Union Commission (AUC), elected in February 2025. A promising sign is the appointment of Muhammad Ali Yusuf, ex-Djibouti Foreign Minister, as AUC Chair. His familiarity with India’s cooperation framework bodes well for future engagement.</p>.<p>The visit of the President of Angola, who currently chairs the AU, in May 2025 was instrumental in reinvigorating India-AU engagement. Angola, along with Namibia and Ghana, acknowledge the value of India’s partnership.</p>.<p>Parallelly, India’s parliamentary delegations visited seven African countries—Algeria, Egypt, Liberia, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, and South Africa—soon after Operation Sindoor. A delegation also met with the AUC, where the warmth they encountered added momentum to India’s Africa outreach.</p>.<p>India’s successful advocacy for the AU’s permanent membership in the G20 has created a fresh opportunity to re-anchor its engagement with the organisation. The most logical platform for this is the fourth India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS-IV), which could serve as a strategic pivot for a reinvigorated partnership. Optimism is building that the long-delayed summi--last held in 2015--will finally resume. The main challenge lies in aligning with the AU’s busy calendar, which includes TICAD IX in August, the EU–Africa Summit in November, and Turkey–Africa in 2026</p>.<p>Structurally, a revived IAFS may benefit from returning to its original Banjul Formula, which brought together five NEPAD founding countries (Senegal, Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, and Algeria) and the eight chairs of Africa’s Regional Economic Communities (RECs). While the 2015 summit was notable for inviting all 54 African nations, a smaller but more representative group this time may enable sharper dialogue and deliverables.</p>.<p>Under the current REC configuration, likely invitees could include leaders from Kenya (EAC), Equatorial Guinea (ECCAS), Libya (AMU), Chad (CEN-SAD), Djibouti (IGAD), Egypt (COMESA), Nigeria (ECOWAS), and Madagascar (SADC). Should Addis Ababa be chosen as the venue, honouring Africa’s turn to host, inviting Ethiopia’s PM would be appropriate, ensuring representation of all African BRICS members.</p>.<p>Africa now holds a rising place in India’s foreign policy. Bilateral trade reached $100 billion in 2024–2025, with Indian exports exceeding $45 billion. The African Continental Free Trading Ares (AfCFTA) offers new possibilities for continent-wide supply chains, regional manufacturing hubs, and trilateral ventures with partners. India’s FDI stock in Africa stood at $75 billion by 2022, with that year alone seeing a record $22 billion in fresh investments by Indian companies.</p>.<p>Going forward, India needs a new economic strategy for Africa. The extant approach, driven by concessional lines of credit and grants, has run its course. Many African governments now prefer FDI and public-private partnerships that do not exacerbate sovereign debt vulnerabilities.</p>.<p>One option is to launch an India Development Initiative, anchored in the MEA with support from ministries, industry, academia, and venture capital. This would promote an FDI-first cooperation model targeting SMEs and Indian firms active in Africa. The decade-long Sankalp Africa Summits in Nairobi exemplify success by catalysing private investment for SDGs. Recently, its parent, Aavishkaar Fund, secured $40 million from JICA to strengthen Africa-India supply chains.</p>.<p>Support mechanisms could include new bilateral investment treaties, double taxation avoidance agreements, and buyback deals (like pulses from Tanzania and Mozambique). Indian banks in Africa would also benefit from subsidised credit lines and risk guarantees, enabling them to offer competitive lending terms to Indian investors. The proposed initiative could create a Revolving Consulting Fund for feasibility studies and DPRs of African projects, reimbursed upon securing financing. This would help Indian firms build viable project pipelines and access the Africa Investment Forum’s $1 trillion project opportunities.</p>.<p>India’s mixed record with AU- and REC-level grant projects has led to a preference for bilateral implementation. A reimagined IAFS, however, could enable dialogue on global economic, climate, and governance trends shaping India–Africa cooperation. A Track 1.5 Forum with the AU could address climate, terrorism, HADR, agriculture, and security, embedding the Indian model in African policy. The AU Commission’s recent visit to the CDRI reflects this approach.</p>.<p><em>(The writer has served as India’s ambassador to Germany, Indonesia, and Ethiopia and is the author of The Harambee Factor: India and Africa <br>Partnership)</em></p><p>(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.)</p>
