<div>Demands for reservation by various castes have gained momentum in the recent past. The Gujjars led an agitation in Rajasthan demanding 5 per cent reservation in government jobs. The Jats in Haryana led an agitation with the demand of being included in the OBC category. In March 2014, the Centre issued a notification providing OBC status to the Jats which was quashed by the Supreme court in March 2015. <br /><br />And now, the Patedar (Patels) in Gujarat are demanding OBC status so that they can also get the benefit of reservation in state government jobs. <br /><br />In Telangana, the Muslims are demanding quota in jobs and education. The Marathas in Maharashtra are seeking reservation in educational institution and government jobs. The Maratha Reservation Bill passed by the Maharashtra Assembly to reserve 16 per cent jobs for the Marathas is put on hold by the Bombay High Court. The questions is, why this demand now and why for castes which are economically prosperous and politically dominant in their respective states? <br /><br />These demands in different states should not be seen in isolation. One cannot deny that these castes are relatively better off in various respects - economically, educationally and politically - compared to the other backward castes which were brought under the ambit of reservation on the recommendation of the Mandal Commission report. The data also suggests that these peasant proprietary class are only marginally lower in various respects compared to the upper castes. The reason for the demand being raised by them in recent years is mainly due to the economic hardships many amongst them are facing due to low return from agriculture, the mainstay of their livelihood. <br /><br />The recent desire amongst them for government jobs is the result of poor returns from agriculture compared to the income of them in government jobs, which resulted in their demand for reservation. <br /><br />The argument put against the demand for reservation is that these castes do not need reservation as they are not only educationally and economically well off, but also politically dominant. We tend to forget that, there may be very rich people within each community, but at the same time, we must not forget that there are huge variations in economic status amongst people within the same community. There are also obvious rural-urban differences in terms of levels of economic prosperity, people from same caste, living in cities being much more prosperous compared to those living in villages. <br /><br />Yes, some people within these castes have moved upward, economically, educationally and politically, but the numbers of such achievers are very few. Those rich people within these castes may be showcased as achievers within these castes, but should not be used to hide the harsh reality of the poor social and economic conditions of large majority of people within. One must not forget that, in-spite of people from OBC castes entering different occupations, disproportionately very large numbers of OBCs (and Jats, Gujjar, Maratha and Patedars) still depend upon agriculture for their livelihood. <br /><br />Looking at the massive crowd which such rallies or movement demanding reservation manages to attract, one wonders, if such a massive gathering is a result of “managed” crowd by people who have vested interests or have political ambitions. <div><br /> Is the massive gathering of young, unemployed youth a result of their spontaneous support for reservation? It is much more difficult to say in a straight forward manner if such demands by various castes are “justified” or “unjustified”. <br /><br />The massive support is a simple proof of the popularity of the reservation policy. One might think that these large crowds comprise those who think they would benefit from reservation. One might also think these movements are politically motivated, but one should try to unfold the complete truth. Cutting across castes, there is support for reservation in India even after more than six decades of independence. If a huge crowd is not good evidence, here is another. <br /><br />A survey by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in 2014 indicate that a majority of the people support the policy of reservation in educational institutions and in government jobs while only 12 per cent are opposed to it. There are others who did not express any opinion. <br /><br />It is true that the support is slightly lower amongst the upper castes, who would not benefit from the policy, compared to the OBCs who would actually benefit, but it is incorrect to believe that demand for reservation is being opposed by the upper castes. Whether we like it or not, the support for reservation cuts across castes. <br /><br />(The writer is Professor and Director, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi)<br /><br /></div></div>
<div>Demands for reservation by various castes have gained momentum in the recent past. The Gujjars led an agitation in Rajasthan demanding 5 per cent reservation in government jobs. The Jats in Haryana led an agitation with the demand of being included in the OBC category. In March 2014, the Centre issued a notification providing OBC status to the Jats which was quashed by the Supreme court in March 2015. <br /><br />And now, the Patedar (Patels) in Gujarat are demanding OBC status so that they can also get the benefit of reservation in state government jobs. <br /><br />In Telangana, the Muslims are demanding quota in jobs and education. The Marathas in Maharashtra are seeking reservation in educational institution and government jobs. The Maratha Reservation Bill passed by the Maharashtra Assembly to reserve 16 per cent jobs for the Marathas is put on hold by the Bombay High Court. The questions is, why this demand now and why for castes which are economically prosperous and politically dominant in their respective states? <br /><br />These demands in different states should not be seen in isolation. One cannot deny that these castes are relatively better off in various respects - economically, educationally and politically - compared to the other backward castes which were brought under the ambit of reservation on the recommendation of the Mandal Commission report. The data also suggests that these peasant proprietary class are only marginally lower in various respects compared to the upper castes. The reason for the demand being raised by them in recent years is mainly due to the economic hardships many amongst them are facing due to low return from agriculture, the mainstay of their livelihood. <br /><br />The recent desire amongst them for government jobs is the result of poor returns from agriculture compared to the income of them in government jobs, which resulted in their demand for reservation. <br /><br />The argument put against the demand for reservation is that these castes do not need reservation as they are not only educationally and economically well off, but also politically dominant. We tend to forget that, there may be very rich people within each community, but at the same time, we must not forget that there are huge variations in economic status amongst people within the same community. There are also obvious rural-urban differences in terms of levels of economic prosperity, people from same caste, living in cities being much more prosperous compared to those living in villages. <br /><br />Yes, some people within these castes have moved upward, economically, educationally and politically, but the numbers of such achievers are very few. Those rich people within these castes may be showcased as achievers within these castes, but should not be used to hide the harsh reality of the poor social and economic conditions of large majority of people within. One must not forget that, in-spite of people from OBC castes entering different occupations, disproportionately very large numbers of OBCs (and Jats, Gujjar, Maratha and Patedars) still depend upon agriculture for their livelihood. <br /><br />Looking at the massive crowd which such rallies or movement demanding reservation manages to attract, one wonders, if such a massive gathering is a result of “managed” crowd by people who have vested interests or have political ambitions. <div><br /> Is the massive gathering of young, unemployed youth a result of their spontaneous support for reservation? It is much more difficult to say in a straight forward manner if such demands by various castes are “justified” or “unjustified”. <br /><br />The massive support is a simple proof of the popularity of the reservation policy. One might think that these large crowds comprise those who think they would benefit from reservation. One might also think these movements are politically motivated, but one should try to unfold the complete truth. Cutting across castes, there is support for reservation in India even after more than six decades of independence. If a huge crowd is not good evidence, here is another. <br /><br />A survey by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in 2014 indicate that a majority of the people support the policy of reservation in educational institutions and in government jobs while only 12 per cent are opposed to it. There are others who did not express any opinion. <br /><br />It is true that the support is slightly lower amongst the upper castes, who would not benefit from the policy, compared to the OBCs who would actually benefit, but it is incorrect to believe that demand for reservation is being opposed by the upper castes. Whether we like it or not, the support for reservation cuts across castes. <br /><br />(The writer is Professor and Director, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi)<br /><br /></div></div>
