<p>Large crowds, not just of traditional royalist supporters but also of young people, gathered to escort ex-King Gyanendra from Kathmandu Airport upon his arrival from Pokhara on 9 March. </p><p>This enthusiastic response to the monarchy, formally abolished in 2008, has seriously unsettled political leaders, prompting them to challenge Gyanendra to join electoral politics and test his popularity. The Maoists have decided to hold a counter-rally to demonstrate their strength. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) will launch a campaign in defence of the republican system, while the Nepali Congress plans to discuss the next steps.</p><p>The presence of a poster of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath (who is also the Head Priest of Gorakhnath Math—the presiding deity of the Shah royal family of Nepal) at the royalist rally has fuelled speculation in Nepal that India supports the King. This was officially denied by External Affairs Minister Jaishankar in his meeting with Nepalese Foreign Minister Arzu Deuba on the sidelines of the Raisina Dialogue. Nevertheless, the event has received significant media coverage, including on social media, with some Indian media personalities and others articulating support for the monarchy and the establishment of a Hindu Rashtra in Nepal. However, under its 2015 Constitution, Nepal remains a Federal Democratic and Secular Republic.</p> .<p>Within Nepal, there is considerable public frustration with existing political processes, poor governance and lack of development. A third of the population lives and works abroad, and youth are leaving the country in droves due to limited employment opportunities. Additionally, despite Nepal’s median age being just 25 years, it is ruled by elderly leaders. Instability is endemic, with politics resembling a game of musical chairs—senior leaders have held the position of Prime Minister multiple times, and frequent political re-alignments, often devoid of ideology, are commonplace. Corruption is pervasive, with the public widely perceiving politicians as self-serving. Leaders have even faced public protests, including being greeted with black flags at events.</p><p>Discontent with major parties was evident in the most recent municipal and general elections. Kathmandu, Nepal’s most prestigious municipality, elected an independent candidate—a rapper—who is arguably now the country’s most popular politician. Meanwhile, the Rashtriya Swatantra Party, established just months before the general elections, made significant electoral gains, emerging as the fourth-largest party after the Maoists.</p><p>Currently, Nepal’s two largest political parties have joined forces to form a grand coalition—akin to the BJP and Congress forming an alliance in India—leaving the country without a significant opposition. Additionally, many seem to have forgotten, or are disregarding, the fact that Gyanendra executed a royal coup in February 2005, suspending the Constitution, curtailing human rights and press freedoms, and imprisoning political leaders. His actions ultimately led to the downfall of the Shah dynasty. The same person is now attempting to mobilise public discontent in his favour. In the last elections, the pro-royalist party secured only 14 seats in a 275-member House, with a 5.5% vote share.</p> .<p>Despite historical ties between Nepal’s royal family and Indian royals through marriage and kinship, India’s experience with the Nepalese monarchy has been far from satisfactory. Historically, both the monarchy and communist forces have fuelled anti-Indian nationalist sentiments in Nepal and sought closer ties with China. For example, in 2005, shortly after assuming absolute power, Gyanendra attempted to facilitate China’s entry into SAARC at the Dhaka Summit.</p><p>What, then, explains the support for the monarchy in certain sections of Indian society? Nostalgia certainly plays a role—especially for Nepal’s former status as the world’s only Hindu Rashtra. Notably, Nepal only became a Hindu Rashtra in 1962, following King Mahendra’s royal takeover. Since the King was regarded as an avatar of Lord Vishnu, the monarchy and Hindu Rashtra became intertwined. However, when this concept was explained to some Indian religious preachers, they began advocating for a Hindu Republic in Nepal instead.</p> .<p>During the public debates on Nepal’s new Constitution in 2015, a majority of the people—especially those from the Terai region—favoured a Hindu Republic. However, this was opposed by some Janjati communities and Nepal’s communist leaders. Several Western nations also discouraged the move. A compromise was reached: Nepal was declared a secular state but with protections for Sanatan Dharma. The cow was designated the national animal, and penalties were imposed against proselytisation.</p><p>Though there may be dissatisfaction in some quarters with Nepal’s proportional representation system, federal structure, secularism, or even republicanism under the new Constitution, and while there may be nostalgia for the monarchy as a national symbol, it is crucial to remember that the Constitution was a hard-fought compromise. It emerged from years of violent insurgencies and political movements (andolans) that cost countless lives. These matters need to be resolved by the Nepalese people and their leaders. It is not in India’s interest to take sides—nor should the Indian media, which enjoys a vast audience in Nepal, engage in partisan rhetoric.</p><p>Instability in Nepal is not in India’s interest. A turbulent Nepal creates fertile ground for external players to increase their influence, jeopardising India’s strategic position. Additionally, India’s ambition to be the voice of the Global South would be undermined by unrest in its immediate neighbourhood. Instead, we should focus on strengthening connectivity and development initiatives, particularly in hydropower, which can further integrate our economies. We must also enhance engagement with political parties across the spectrum, especially new and emerging forces and the youth. Ultimately, India’s only interest should be in seeing a stable, secure, prosperous, and friendly Nepal.</p><p><em>(The writer is a former Indian Ambassador to Nepal and author of "Kathmandu Dilemma: Resetting India-Nepal Ties")</em></p>
<p>Large crowds, not just of traditional royalist supporters but also of young people, gathered to escort ex-King Gyanendra from Kathmandu Airport upon his arrival from Pokhara on 9 March. </p><p>This enthusiastic response to the monarchy, formally abolished in 2008, has seriously unsettled political leaders, prompting them to challenge Gyanendra to join electoral politics and test his popularity. The Maoists have decided to hold a counter-rally to demonstrate their strength. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) will launch a campaign in defence of the republican system, while the Nepali Congress plans to discuss the next steps.</p><p>The presence of a poster of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath (who is also the Head Priest of Gorakhnath Math—the presiding deity of the Shah royal family of Nepal) at the royalist rally has fuelled speculation in Nepal that India supports the King. This was officially denied by External Affairs Minister Jaishankar in his meeting with Nepalese Foreign Minister Arzu Deuba on the sidelines of the Raisina Dialogue. Nevertheless, the event has received significant media coverage, including on social media, with some Indian media personalities and others articulating support for the monarchy and the establishment of a Hindu Rashtra in Nepal. However, under its 2015 Constitution, Nepal remains a Federal Democratic and Secular Republic.</p> .<p>Within Nepal, there is considerable public frustration with existing political processes, poor governance and lack of development. A third of the population lives and works abroad, and youth are leaving the country in droves due to limited employment opportunities. Additionally, despite Nepal’s median age being just 25 years, it is ruled by elderly leaders. Instability is endemic, with politics resembling a game of musical chairs—senior leaders have held the position of Prime Minister multiple times, and frequent political re-alignments, often devoid of ideology, are commonplace. Corruption is pervasive, with the public widely perceiving politicians as self-serving. Leaders have even faced public protests, including being greeted with black flags at events.</p><p>Discontent with major parties was evident in the most recent municipal and general elections. Kathmandu, Nepal’s most prestigious municipality, elected an independent candidate—a rapper—who is arguably now the country’s most popular politician. Meanwhile, the Rashtriya Swatantra Party, established just months before the general elections, made significant electoral gains, emerging as the fourth-largest party after the Maoists.</p><p>Currently, Nepal’s two largest political parties have joined forces to form a grand coalition—akin to the BJP and Congress forming an alliance in India—leaving the country without a significant opposition. Additionally, many seem to have forgotten, or are disregarding, the fact that Gyanendra executed a royal coup in February 2005, suspending the Constitution, curtailing human rights and press freedoms, and imprisoning political leaders. His actions ultimately led to the downfall of the Shah dynasty. The same person is now attempting to mobilise public discontent in his favour. In the last elections, the pro-royalist party secured only 14 seats in a 275-member House, with a 5.5% vote share.</p> .<p>Despite historical ties between Nepal’s royal family and Indian royals through marriage and kinship, India’s experience with the Nepalese monarchy has been far from satisfactory. Historically, both the monarchy and communist forces have fuelled anti-Indian nationalist sentiments in Nepal and sought closer ties with China. For example, in 2005, shortly after assuming absolute power, Gyanendra attempted to facilitate China’s entry into SAARC at the Dhaka Summit.</p><p>What, then, explains the support for the monarchy in certain sections of Indian society? Nostalgia certainly plays a role—especially for Nepal’s former status as the world’s only Hindu Rashtra. Notably, Nepal only became a Hindu Rashtra in 1962, following King Mahendra’s royal takeover. Since the King was regarded as an avatar of Lord Vishnu, the monarchy and Hindu Rashtra became intertwined. However, when this concept was explained to some Indian religious preachers, they began advocating for a Hindu Republic in Nepal instead.</p> .<p>During the public debates on Nepal’s new Constitution in 2015, a majority of the people—especially those from the Terai region—favoured a Hindu Republic. However, this was opposed by some Janjati communities and Nepal’s communist leaders. Several Western nations also discouraged the move. A compromise was reached: Nepal was declared a secular state but with protections for Sanatan Dharma. The cow was designated the national animal, and penalties were imposed against proselytisation.</p><p>Though there may be dissatisfaction in some quarters with Nepal’s proportional representation system, federal structure, secularism, or even republicanism under the new Constitution, and while there may be nostalgia for the monarchy as a national symbol, it is crucial to remember that the Constitution was a hard-fought compromise. It emerged from years of violent insurgencies and political movements (andolans) that cost countless lives. These matters need to be resolved by the Nepalese people and their leaders. It is not in India’s interest to take sides—nor should the Indian media, which enjoys a vast audience in Nepal, engage in partisan rhetoric.</p><p>Instability in Nepal is not in India’s interest. A turbulent Nepal creates fertile ground for external players to increase their influence, jeopardising India’s strategic position. Additionally, India’s ambition to be the voice of the Global South would be undermined by unrest in its immediate neighbourhood. Instead, we should focus on strengthening connectivity and development initiatives, particularly in hydropower, which can further integrate our economies. We must also enhance engagement with political parties across the spectrum, especially new and emerging forces and the youth. Ultimately, India’s only interest should be in seeing a stable, secure, prosperous, and friendly Nepal.</p><p><em>(The writer is a former Indian Ambassador to Nepal and author of "Kathmandu Dilemma: Resetting India-Nepal Ties")</em></p>