<p>It was politics of conviction versus populist politics at its nadir. At the end of a week-long drama played out not just in Delhi and Kolkata but in the name of Bharat bandh across the country, self-interest of several political parties triumphed over principled politics.<br /><br />Or else, how can one explain the stand taken by almost every party that supported reforms but opposed the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government’s decision to go ahead with a slew of reforms, especially foreign direct investment (FDI) in multi-brand retail? The DMK, which shares power at the Centre, actively participated in the bandh while regional outfits and politically important Samajwadi Party (22 MPs) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (21 MPs), which support the government from outside, were no different.<br /><br />For that matter, not even the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party which speeded up reforms during its stint leading the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in 1998-2004. Did not the NDA government, during its last days, prepare a Cabinet note to push ahead with the FDI in multi-brand retail, the bone of contention for the present crisis, that too a 100 per cent push? Maverick Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee, who finally pulled out of UPA on reforms issue, has, perhaps, forgotten that she did not resign from the Vajpayee government despite its reform pitch or even on the most-controversial Gujarat riots? Except for the Left parties, others will have a lot of explaining to do on the stand they took in the last one week.<br /><br />Thanks to the unpredictable Bengal powerhouse (and DMK at times), several reforms-oriented decisions were put in cold storage, be it land acquisition bill, enhanced FDI ceiling in insurance and pension sectors, besides boosting strategic ties with neighbours like Bangladesh (as Mamata snubbed Prime Minister Manmohan Singh by not accompanying him to Dhaka).<br /><br />A regional party with 19 MPs was virtually dictating terms to the coalition lead partner of over 200 MPs (first time since 1991 that any party at the Centre crossed 200 mark)! <br />Mamata joined the governments of two different ideologies (NDA and UPA) but in both never lasted the full term as an ally! In her exit, UPA has offloaded its biggest problematic luggage. For Mamata, the problem was not Delhi but her stronghold of West Bengal. <br />Backing the FDI would mean losing her space to the Left, which she trounced after its 34-year-long rule.<br /><br />The West Bengal chief minister, whose Trinamool was the second largest party in UPA, may have pulled out but that would not see the fall of the government. It was more the initial fear triggered more by 24x7 TV news channels over the stability of the Central government. For, SP supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav and BSP tsarina Mayawati, who had given written commitment to support the Congress-led government in 2009, had never said they would withdraw those letters.<br /><br />While Mayawati was silent and in no hurry to take a different stand – except saying that her party will meet on October 10 to take stock of the situation, Mulayam did a flip-flop and hence the story around him. The Dalit champion is no threat to UPA as she just cannot face another election in the short term having been decimated by the SP in Uttar Pradesh, which sends 80 MPs to the Lok Sabha (in the Assembly polls only six months ago, her tally fell from a massive 207 to 89). As for Mulayam, it is the opposite. After his spectacular and unprecedented triumph in UP, going to polls early would help get more seats in the Lok Sabha. Still, the wily politician did not bite the bullet but his flip-flop was there for all to see: from extending support to the government to making his prime ministerial ambitions known to taking to streets over the FDI to declaring that the Third Front will ride to power in the next elections to finally announcing his backing of UPA. It was politicking in full flow. The former wrestler knew that a hesitant wrong step would cost him dearly, withdrawal of support without leading to the fall of the government would do him more harm than good. Mulayam was aware even if he withdraws, Mayawati would continue to support UPA. He would not allow that space to her alone. At least now, he can renew his plea for better financial deal for UP where his son Akhilesh Yadav is the CM.<br /><br />As for the Congress, while the prime minister addressed the nation defending his reforms streak, in the whole process there was not a word in public from either party president Sonia Gandhi or her son and obvious prime ministerial choice for next elections, Rahul, who is yet to express his views on the key major issues. As in the past, the yuvraj was missing from scene this time too. <br /><br />Congress insiders say this was just to shield both from the drama played out. Though not heard in public, there were misgivings in some sections of the party over the reforms measures lest the populist vote bank would go away. Still, the party as a whole stood the ground.<br /><br />The present scenario appears comforting for the Congress-led UPA but how long it will last can be anybody’s guess. The century-old party knows too well it would be foolish to bank on a clever customer like Mulayam who may erupt in defiance of its policies any time.<br /><br />Not many have forgotten just hours after addressing a press meet with Mamata on their own list of candidates for President of India, he met Sonia and did a turn around. On many occasions in the past, he showed he cannot be relied upon. Thus, the stigma of turning out to be a lame-duck government can afflict this coalition any time, especially since the Singh-led government has started showing “animal instincts” (to borrow from the PM’s dictionary) when it comes to reforms!</p>.<p>Related stories<br /><br /><a href="../content/280456/is-death-knell-political-process.html">Is it death knell for political process?</a></p>.<p><a href="../content/280455/fdi-infrastructure-welcome-not-retail.html">FDI in infrastructure welcome, not in retail</a> </p>
<p>It was politics of conviction versus populist politics at its nadir. At the end of a week-long drama played out not just in Delhi and Kolkata but in the name of Bharat bandh across the country, self-interest of several political parties triumphed over principled politics.<br /><br />Or else, how can one explain the stand taken by almost every party that supported reforms but opposed the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government’s decision to go ahead with a slew of reforms, especially foreign direct investment (FDI) in multi-brand retail? The DMK, which shares power at the Centre, actively participated in the bandh while regional outfits and politically important Samajwadi Party (22 MPs) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (21 MPs), which support the government from outside, were no different.<br /><br />For that matter, not even the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party which speeded up reforms during its stint leading the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in 1998-2004. Did not the NDA government, during its last days, prepare a Cabinet note to push ahead with the FDI in multi-brand retail, the bone of contention for the present crisis, that too a 100 per cent push? Maverick Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee, who finally pulled out of UPA on reforms issue, has, perhaps, forgotten that she did not resign from the Vajpayee government despite its reform pitch or even on the most-controversial Gujarat riots? Except for the Left parties, others will have a lot of explaining to do on the stand they took in the last one week.<br /><br />Thanks to the unpredictable Bengal powerhouse (and DMK at times), several reforms-oriented decisions were put in cold storage, be it land acquisition bill, enhanced FDI ceiling in insurance and pension sectors, besides boosting strategic ties with neighbours like Bangladesh (as Mamata snubbed Prime Minister Manmohan Singh by not accompanying him to Dhaka).<br /><br />A regional party with 19 MPs was virtually dictating terms to the coalition lead partner of over 200 MPs (first time since 1991 that any party at the Centre crossed 200 mark)! <br />Mamata joined the governments of two different ideologies (NDA and UPA) but in both never lasted the full term as an ally! In her exit, UPA has offloaded its biggest problematic luggage. For Mamata, the problem was not Delhi but her stronghold of West Bengal. <br />Backing the FDI would mean losing her space to the Left, which she trounced after its 34-year-long rule.<br /><br />The West Bengal chief minister, whose Trinamool was the second largest party in UPA, may have pulled out but that would not see the fall of the government. It was more the initial fear triggered more by 24x7 TV news channels over the stability of the Central government. For, SP supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav and BSP tsarina Mayawati, who had given written commitment to support the Congress-led government in 2009, had never said they would withdraw those letters.<br /><br />While Mayawati was silent and in no hurry to take a different stand – except saying that her party will meet on October 10 to take stock of the situation, Mulayam did a flip-flop and hence the story around him. The Dalit champion is no threat to UPA as she just cannot face another election in the short term having been decimated by the SP in Uttar Pradesh, which sends 80 MPs to the Lok Sabha (in the Assembly polls only six months ago, her tally fell from a massive 207 to 89). As for Mulayam, it is the opposite. After his spectacular and unprecedented triumph in UP, going to polls early would help get more seats in the Lok Sabha. Still, the wily politician did not bite the bullet but his flip-flop was there for all to see: from extending support to the government to making his prime ministerial ambitions known to taking to streets over the FDI to declaring that the Third Front will ride to power in the next elections to finally announcing his backing of UPA. It was politicking in full flow. The former wrestler knew that a hesitant wrong step would cost him dearly, withdrawal of support without leading to the fall of the government would do him more harm than good. Mulayam was aware even if he withdraws, Mayawati would continue to support UPA. He would not allow that space to her alone. At least now, he can renew his plea for better financial deal for UP where his son Akhilesh Yadav is the CM.<br /><br />As for the Congress, while the prime minister addressed the nation defending his reforms streak, in the whole process there was not a word in public from either party president Sonia Gandhi or her son and obvious prime ministerial choice for next elections, Rahul, who is yet to express his views on the key major issues. As in the past, the yuvraj was missing from scene this time too. <br /><br />Congress insiders say this was just to shield both from the drama played out. Though not heard in public, there were misgivings in some sections of the party over the reforms measures lest the populist vote bank would go away. Still, the party as a whole stood the ground.<br /><br />The present scenario appears comforting for the Congress-led UPA but how long it will last can be anybody’s guess. The century-old party knows too well it would be foolish to bank on a clever customer like Mulayam who may erupt in defiance of its policies any time.<br /><br />Not many have forgotten just hours after addressing a press meet with Mamata on their own list of candidates for President of India, he met Sonia and did a turn around. On many occasions in the past, he showed he cannot be relied upon. Thus, the stigma of turning out to be a lame-duck government can afflict this coalition any time, especially since the Singh-led government has started showing “animal instincts” (to borrow from the PM’s dictionary) when it comes to reforms!</p>.<p>Related stories<br /><br /><a href="../content/280456/is-death-knell-political-process.html">Is it death knell for political process?</a></p>.<p><a href="../content/280455/fdi-infrastructure-welcome-not-retail.html">FDI in infrastructure welcome, not in retail</a> </p>
