Does Bihar have a Dalit vote bank?

Bihar’s politics has long been shaped by the rhetoric of social justice, a legacy rooted in the 1970s ‘Total Revolution’ led by Jaiprakash Narayan. This movement, under the banner of socialism, empowered lower-caste groups, including Dalits, and introduced leaders such as Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nitish Kumar, and Ram Vilas Paswan to the national scene. While it promised socio-economic upliftment for marginalised communities, the impact on Dalits/Scheduled Castes (SCs) which constitute 20% of Bihar’s population, has been limited. Despite their electoral significance, Dalits remain mired in economic deprivation and social inequalities, while their political influence is fragmented by sub-caste divisions and competing leaderships.

Dalits are a critical electoral bloc, influencing outcomes in around 15 of Bihar’s 40 Lok Sabha seats and numerous Assembly constituencies. However, unlike Uttar Pradesh, where the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) galvanised Dalit voters under a unified Ambedkarite identity, Bihar’s Dalit vote is splintered. The Chamars (31.3%), Paswans (30.9%), and Musahars (13.9%) are significant parts of the Dalit identity; however, each operates with distinct political affiliations and social objectives. This fragmentation has prevented Dalits from emerging as a cohesive political force capable of challenging the conventional political elites and their social domination.

In the 1990s, Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) won significant Dalit support by championing social dignity and the community’s political participation. Various election surveys have demonstrated that until the recent past, over 50% of Dalits supported the RJD-Congress alliance and other secular outfits. However, Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) disrupted this by introducing the ‘Mahadalit’ category, targeting smaller, marginalised sub-castes (initially excluding Paswans) and promising them exciting welfare schemes and political representation. This strategy birthed new Dalit leaders such as Jitan Ram Manjhi, whose Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM) claims to represent Mahadalit interests, often in rivalry with Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), which draws support from the Paswan sub-caste.

The LJP and HAM, while influential, have often aligned with larger alliances, diluting their ability to independently articulate Dalit aspirations. Further, tensions between these Dalit leaders, marked by public disputes, have complicated their ability to consolidate the Dalit vote bank. Though there is a possibility for a greater space for the Dalit agenda in Bihar, Dalit politics lacks ideological cohesion as seen during the BSP’s assertion in Uttar Pradesh.

Since 2000, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), allied with JD(U), has capitalised on these divisions, securing Dalit votes through Manjhi and Paswan’s inclusion in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). The BJP has offered marginalised social groups an emotive cultural agenda, appropriating local icons and rituals to introduce them to Hindutva values.

The RJD-Congress opposition, emphasising issues such as caste census and constitutional social justice in the 2024 General Elections, has struggled to regain its former Dalit support base. Though Mahagathbandhan has often offered impressive political commitment and substantive welfare measures for Dalit empowerment, there has been a trust deficit due to a lack of significant Dalit leadership within the alliance. Meanwhile, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation, winning 12 of 19 seats it contested in the Assembly elections, has emerged as a new platform for Dalits, though its statewide influence remains limited.

Challenges to mobilisation

The socio-economic challenges faced by the Dalits are humongous. The recent caste survey conducted by the Bihar government demonstrated that a large chunk of them remain landless, face caste-based discrimination and their representation in institutions of power and privileges is miniscule. Furthermore, their claims for social justice and economic empowerment are hindered as there is no unified political action demanding effective public policies or state action. Though marginalised Dalit groups often reflect their disillusionment, accusing the BJP-JD(U) government of offering false promises and discriminatory policies, it has not converted into a strong political momentum for social justice.

Intra-Dalit fragments, lack of ideological consensus to build a substantive movement for Dalit emancipation, and division of Dalit votes among different political outfits have resulted in their relegation as powerless, insignificant actors in the state’s politics.

As Bihar approaches the 2025 Assembly elections, the Dalit vote remains a contested space. The RJD’s renewed outreach, such as community welfare events, and Congress’ focus on Dalit icons such as Dashrath Manjhi signal intensified efforts to reclaim it. The BJP, leveraging emotive cultural politics, welfare schemes, and alliances with Manjhi and Paswan, aims to retain its share. However, the absence of a unified Dalit leadership and vision for social justice limits the community’s ability to translate its numerical strength into political power.

For Dalits to emerge as a decisive force, transcending sub-caste rivalries and building broader alliances with other marginalised groups will be critical. However, in the current political context, such a possibility looks difficult.

(The writer is an assistant professor at the Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, JNU, New Delhi)