India’s image abroad is a reflection of the order at home

One of the simplest beginner’s lessons on foreign policy is that ‘foreign policy is an extension of domestic policy’. A country’s ideas of justice, equality, and law at home is expected to be a mirror image of how it envisages the world and the world order to be.

For example, countries that seek to promote human rights abroad must have a law-and-order mechanism that promotes the same values at home. In short, any country's foreign policy reflects the values it practices at home and the dichotomy has consequences.

The 1990s saw the United States promoting a liberal world order which was closely linked with its liberal democratic and multicultural ethos at home. Its democratic, inquisitive society allowed it to lead the science and technology sectors, and made it a leader in innovation, which in turn fuelled its leadership status in the international system.

The welcoming culture led by US universities made them the benchmarks in education, and those are still principal destinations for students looking for better opportunities. An inclusive society which respects the rule of law and individual freedom is more attractive to a person choosing migration. An overwhelming number of white-collar migrants have chosen to relocate to the countries that are inherently liberal democratic. That all of this is in the reverse gear under Trump 2.0 is already visible, and it has impacts for the US’ role as a leader of the liberal order.

Soft power is this power of attraction and it is not song and dance alone, although culture is an element of it. However, culture attracts tourists and the actual soft power of a society and a state — like its inclusivity, law and order situation, and clean air — attracts talent which would generate money-making ideas and create wealth. Moreover, soft power does not need advertising; it is autonomous. However, for soft power to work it needs strong social, political, and governance infrastructure. Without a society built on equality, inclusivity, justice, and scientific culture, soft power strategies would have suboptimal or, even worse, negative returns.

India has that problem of its unwillingness to build a domestic foundation for a successful foreign policy and soft power. India envisages a liberal inclusive world order when its social system has not adequately shed its hierarchical mindset. This dichotomy between what it seeks in the world and what it is at home is a significant hindrance to India’s rise in the world, but more crucially to its status as a leader of the developing world.

Sadly, this was demonstrated recently in a private university where a student’s suicide and its sleezy handling turned into a foreign policy crisis. The cover up, name calling, and the removal of other protesting students from Nepal turned it into a crisis. Had this issue been handled in a just manner, and with empathy, it would not have become a catastrophe for New Delhi.

China has already surpassed India as a chosen education destination as close to 500,000 foreign students studied in China until Covid-19 came, compared to only about 45,000 in India during the same time. Something China is doing is working for it. At the same time, China’s soft power projection is linked to its party’s centrality at home and its legitimacy based on creating a sense of prestige for its people. For that to happen it has had to invest a high amount of money. China’s soft power is really built on deep pockets and deft marketing.

So far, India has had this luxury of not needing to do such over-the-top campaigns of its soft power and it’s a luxury that very few countries enjoy. However, the Indian State needs to put more efforts in keeping things that way.

India’s relations with its neighbourhood are already delicate and complicated by the presence of China’s power, money, and ambitions in South Asia. Alongside this, India’s goodwill in the neighbourhood appears to be on a decline. India also needs to rethink how to save its neighbourhood policy from the rhetoric of it domestic electoral politics as is happening every now and then; for example, look at how Katchatheevu became an electoral issue last year, after nearly 50 years of it being settled, or how the Indus water treaty gets discussed during election season in Jammu & Kashmir.

A renewed sense of enlightened national interest doctrine may need a reformulation at several levels. It may be at the level of India’s social identity, a more just justice system, and a more inclusive and a less big brotherly attitude.

(Avinash Godbole is Professor and Associate Academic Dean, JSLH, JGU. Views expressed are personal. X: @avingodb.)

Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.