<p>Hassan Rouhani, the 11th president of Iran’s Islamic republic, has been hailed as a man of “change” and “moderation” but he is not a reformer.<br /><br /></p>.<p>Ever since its establishment in 1979, he has been a loyal servant of the clerical regime. <br /><br />In his inaugural speech he promised to “reduce people’s problems so they can have a better life” and to be honest about the “bottlenecks and is-sues the country is facing these days. Lying will simply aggravate the situation.”<br /><br />This is a refreshing message from the 64-year old cleric who has taken over from Mahmoud Ahmadinejad whose two terms in office are regarded by many Iranians as a disaster on the internal and external fronts. His re-election in 2009 prompted a popular protest that left 36 dead and his rivals imprisoned. <br /> <br />Rouhani’s cabinet appointees are largely non-partisan veterans and technocrats with moderate and mildly reformist tendencies. No women were chosen for cabinet posts but one has been selected as his women’s affairs advisor. Mohammed Nahavandian, a devout economist trained in Iranian clerical seminaries and foreign universities, has been selected as Rouhani’s chief-of-staff. Nahavandian has served in the bureaucracy for many years and has understaken sensitive missions for former presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani, a pragmatist, and Mohammed Khatami, a reformer.<br /><br />Political scene<br /><br />Rouhani’s nominee for foreign minister is Javad Zarif, a US-educated former UN ambassador who is familiar with the Washington political scene and knows both Vice President Joe Biden and Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel, who were senators at the time Zarif was posted in the US. Zarif helped draft the 2003 Iranian proposal called the “grand bargain” for resolving all differences between the two countries. The Bush administration, still gripped by resentments caused by the 1979 overthrow of the shah, a major US ally, rejected the proposal.<br /><br />While Rouhani’s choices for the economic and development ministries are competent technocrats, the nominee for the justice ministry, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, is said by Human Rights Watch to have been a member of a committee responsible for the execution of scores prisoners in 1988. Ruhani is also likely to win the endorsement of his government as he enjoys close relations with legislators and has cultivated majlis speaker Ali Larijani, a senior figure in the conservative camp. Iran’s Supreme Guide Ali Khamenei has weighed in and called for the majlis to cooperate. <br /><br />Although not Khamenei's favourite in the presidential race, Rouhani has had a longstanding relationship with the supreme guide. He was Khamanei's representative on the national security council for 23 years and during 2003-05 was Iran's chief nuclear negotiator. <br /><br />Rouhani also faces the twin challenges posed by Israel and the US. Unfortunately for him, Israel’s powerful friends in the US Congress determine the relationship between Tehran and Washington. In the run-up to Rouhani’s inauguration, the Obama administration adop-ted a positive approach, spoke of opportunities for dialogue and, reportedly eased sanctions on medicine and agricultural exports to Iran which should have never been imposed in the first place.<br /><br />However, Congress adopted a confrontational stance by taking measures to boost US-imposed international sanctions with the aim of halting most of<br />Iran's oil exports, its major source of income. The three decades-old sanctions regime, regarded as the harshest ever imposed, has led to an economic crisis, with the value of Iran's currency falling, causing soaring inflation and high levels of unemployment.<br /><br />Although Rouhani is widely credited with halting Iran's nuclear weapons programme, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu dubbed Rohani a "wolf in sheep's clothing" who smiles while he builds nuclear bombs. Netanyahu called on the US to prepare "to take military action" if sanctions do not halt Iran's nuclear programme. Despite Netanyahu's negativity, Rouhani began his term by proposing “serious and substantive” negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme saying that confrontation be resolved by “talks not threats.” <br />Russia has backed up his appeal by calling on the P-5 (the five permanent members of the Security Council) plus Germany to resume negotiations with Tehran during the first half of September. The European Union has also pressed for fresh talks. There have even been suggestions that Iran and the US could hold direct bilateral negotiations. <br /><br />While most Iranians do not seem to have great expectations of Rouhani, they celebrate the end of the eight-year reign of Ahmadinejad, whose behaviour was both humiliating and harmful. There is some hope that Rouhani’s cabinet of experts will be able tackle the country's economic woes. Youth call for an easing of social constraints and restrictions on freedom of expression. <br /><br />However, change depends on Khamenei who, as supreme guide, is the ultimate decider.<br /></p>
<p>Hassan Rouhani, the 11th president of Iran’s Islamic republic, has been hailed as a man of “change” and “moderation” but he is not a reformer.<br /><br /></p>.<p>Ever since its establishment in 1979, he has been a loyal servant of the clerical regime. <br /><br />In his inaugural speech he promised to “reduce people’s problems so they can have a better life” and to be honest about the “bottlenecks and is-sues the country is facing these days. Lying will simply aggravate the situation.”<br /><br />This is a refreshing message from the 64-year old cleric who has taken over from Mahmoud Ahmadinejad whose two terms in office are regarded by many Iranians as a disaster on the internal and external fronts. His re-election in 2009 prompted a popular protest that left 36 dead and his rivals imprisoned. <br /> <br />Rouhani’s cabinet appointees are largely non-partisan veterans and technocrats with moderate and mildly reformist tendencies. No women were chosen for cabinet posts but one has been selected as his women’s affairs advisor. Mohammed Nahavandian, a devout economist trained in Iranian clerical seminaries and foreign universities, has been selected as Rouhani’s chief-of-staff. Nahavandian has served in the bureaucracy for many years and has understaken sensitive missions for former presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani, a pragmatist, and Mohammed Khatami, a reformer.<br /><br />Political scene<br /><br />Rouhani’s nominee for foreign minister is Javad Zarif, a US-educated former UN ambassador who is familiar with the Washington political scene and knows both Vice President Joe Biden and Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel, who were senators at the time Zarif was posted in the US. Zarif helped draft the 2003 Iranian proposal called the “grand bargain” for resolving all differences between the two countries. The Bush administration, still gripped by resentments caused by the 1979 overthrow of the shah, a major US ally, rejected the proposal.<br /><br />While Rouhani’s choices for the economic and development ministries are competent technocrats, the nominee for the justice ministry, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, is said by Human Rights Watch to have been a member of a committee responsible for the execution of scores prisoners in 1988. Ruhani is also likely to win the endorsement of his government as he enjoys close relations with legislators and has cultivated majlis speaker Ali Larijani, a senior figure in the conservative camp. Iran’s Supreme Guide Ali Khamenei has weighed in and called for the majlis to cooperate. <br /><br />Although not Khamenei's favourite in the presidential race, Rouhani has had a longstanding relationship with the supreme guide. He was Khamanei's representative on the national security council for 23 years and during 2003-05 was Iran's chief nuclear negotiator. <br /><br />Rouhani also faces the twin challenges posed by Israel and the US. Unfortunately for him, Israel’s powerful friends in the US Congress determine the relationship between Tehran and Washington. In the run-up to Rouhani’s inauguration, the Obama administration adop-ted a positive approach, spoke of opportunities for dialogue and, reportedly eased sanctions on medicine and agricultural exports to Iran which should have never been imposed in the first place.<br /><br />However, Congress adopted a confrontational stance by taking measures to boost US-imposed international sanctions with the aim of halting most of<br />Iran's oil exports, its major source of income. The three decades-old sanctions regime, regarded as the harshest ever imposed, has led to an economic crisis, with the value of Iran's currency falling, causing soaring inflation and high levels of unemployment.<br /><br />Although Rouhani is widely credited with halting Iran's nuclear weapons programme, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu dubbed Rohani a "wolf in sheep's clothing" who smiles while he builds nuclear bombs. Netanyahu called on the US to prepare "to take military action" if sanctions do not halt Iran's nuclear programme. Despite Netanyahu's negativity, Rouhani began his term by proposing “serious and substantive” negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme saying that confrontation be resolved by “talks not threats.” <br />Russia has backed up his appeal by calling on the P-5 (the five permanent members of the Security Council) plus Germany to resume negotiations with Tehran during the first half of September. The European Union has also pressed for fresh talks. There have even been suggestions that Iran and the US could hold direct bilateral negotiations. <br /><br />While most Iranians do not seem to have great expectations of Rouhani, they celebrate the end of the eight-year reign of Ahmadinejad, whose behaviour was both humiliating and harmful. There is some hope that Rouhani’s cabinet of experts will be able tackle the country's economic woes. Youth call for an easing of social constraints and restrictions on freedom of expression. <br /><br />However, change depends on Khamenei who, as supreme guide, is the ultimate decider.<br /></p>