At 28, TMC recasts identity politics as West Bengal heads into high-stakes poll year

Kolkata: As the TMC enters its 28th year and an election cycle, the party is recalibrating its ideological position, blending Bengali 'asmita' with a clearer assertion of "Bengali Hindu identity" to consolidate Hindu support without unsettling its traditional minority vote bank, while countering the BJP’s appeasement narrative.

Founded on January 1, 1998, as a breakaway from the Congress to challenge the Left Front’s entrenched rule, the TMC rose to power in 2011 on the back of grassroots mobilisation around the slogan of 'Maa, Mati, Manush'.

Nearly 15 years into office, the party enters not just another year but an election cycle, with the 2026 Assembly polls barely three months away, confronting a transformed political landscape marked by sharper identity assertions and a narrowing contest with the BJP.

That recalibration is most visible in the political symbolism crafted by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee for the last few months. She has either inaugurated or announced a series of temple projects, including a 213-foot Jagannath temple at Digha in south Bengal, a Durga temple and cultural complex in Kolkata, and a Mahakal temple in Siliguri, expected to be unveiled later this month.

The Jagannath temple at Digha, inaugurated last year amid elaborate rituals and a high-profile guest list, has been built at an estimated cost of Rs 250 crore from the public exchequer. Officially pitched as a tourism and pilgrimage initiative, the structure draws architectural inspiration from the 12th-century shrine in Odisha's Puri.

Politically, however, the messaging has been difficult to miss. Senior representatives of influential Hindu religious institutions were present at the inauguration, many of whom have received sustained state support for renovation and infrastructure development in recent years.

Party insiders privately acknowledge that the optics are intended to counter the BJP’s persistent portrayal of Banerjee as a leader driven by minority appeasement, a narrative that has "gained traction as the electoral gap between the two parties has narrowed".

The TMC’s vote margin over the BJP declined from around 61 lakh votes in the 2021 Assembly elections to roughly 42 lakh in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, heightening concern within the ruling party ahead of the assembly contest.

Political scientist Biswanath Chakraborty describes the strategy as carefully weighed but risky. “She is attempting to reach out to Bengali Hindus without positioning herself against Muslims. It is a delicate exercise, and there is a danger of appearing like a diluted version of the BJP,” he said.

Within Bengal’s political discourse, Banerjee’s approach has "increasingly been described as Hinduani, a public assertion of Hindu religiosity that distances itself from the ideological edges of North Indian Hindutva", another analyst said.

While rejecting the idea of a Hindu Rashtra, Banerjee has more visibly foregrounded her personal faith, from reciting 'Chandi Path' at public events to invoking her Brahmin lineage during heated Assembly exchanges with BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari, even as she continues to attend Eid and Christmas celebrations.

The TMC leadership, however, rejects the ideological drift. Senior MP Sougata Roy dismissed the “soft Hindutva” label, insisting the party remains firmly secular. “The TMC has not moved towards soft Hindutva. Recognising religious sentiments of all communities does not mean abandoning secularism,” Roy told PTI.

He also alleged, "The BJP tries to create insecurity among sections of Bengali Hindus. The TMC is simply making it clear that Bengali Hindus are safe under its governance.”

Its state vice president Jaiprakash Majumdar framed the 2026 election as a clash of political worldviews. “Respecting Durga Puja or Jagannath Puja is part of Bengal’s culture, just as respecting Muharram or Christmas is. We do not need lessons on Hinduism or secularism from the BJP,” he said.

Banerjee has continued to engage across religious communities. She attends Eid prayers on Red Road, leads Kolkata’s Christmas carnival on Park Street and recently visited the Furfura Sharif shrine. At the same time, her government has sharply increased grants to Durga Puja committees, raising assistance from Rs 10,000 per club in 2018 to Rs 85,000 in 2024, translating into over Rs 365 crore outlay.

Political analyst Maidul Islam sees the shift as a defensive recalibration. “Since 2016, the TMC has consciously developed a narrative of Bengali Hindu religiosity to neutralise the BJP’s minority appeasement charge,” he said.

The strategy has raised questions among minorities, who account for close to 30 per cent of the electorate and have been the party's loyal vote bank since 2011.

ISF MLA Nawsad Siddique accused the TMC of edging towards majoritarian symbolism. “If public funds are used for temple construction, other communities will inevitably raise similar demands,” he said.

A senior TMC leader from the minority community countered that the government had done substantial welfare work and extended allowances to imams and muezzins.

Political analyst Suman Bhattacharya said, "After nearly 15 years in power, the TMC must offer a renewed narrative, especially to younger voters. The softer Hindu articulation appears aimed at reassuring the urban middle class without alienating Muslims."

TMC's ideological tightrope may either entrench its dominance or blur its secular moorings, but it is clear the party has moved beyond defending incumbency to recasting the rules of contest in a polarised Bengal.