E Palaniswami: Meteoric rise of once lightweight politician

From emerging as the surprise choice for the chief minister’s post to ingraining his hold within the AIADMK to steering the party to its best performance in a losing election to his appointment as the interim general secretary – Edappadi K Palaniswami has come a long way in consolidating himself as the political successor of late J Jayalalithaa, albeit for now.

He not just pipped his former boss O Panneerselvam (OPS) but also the once-all-powerful V K Sasikala, who helped him occupy the Chief Minister’s chair in February 2017 before she went to serve her prison term in a disproportionate assets (DA) case.

Though the “forcible” takeover is likely to be challenged by OPS, leadership transition in AIADMK has always been marred by expulsions and counter-expulsions – Jayalalithaa fought a long battle with MGR’s widow Janaki to take control of the party.

Also Read | Churning in AIADMK gives DMK leverage, opens up new vistas for BJP

The fourth in the pecking order

Palaniswami (69) was placed fourth in the pecking order of the 2016 Jayalalithaa Cabinet and only one among the 75 district secretaries of the party when he was elected as AIADMK Legislature Party leader at a resort near Chennai on February 14, 2017. OPS had then rebelled against Sasikala, who thought Palaniswami (EPS) was the right choice to carry forward the mantle – she might be regretting her decision now.

Looking at everything from the prism of politics, Palaniswami began demonstrating his power from day one – he occupied the chamber meant for the Chief Minister at Fort St George, breaking a tradition set by OPS who always functioned from his office when he stood by as chief minister twice for Jayalalithaa.

Five years after his ascension to the CM’s chair, Palaniswami, in 2022, got himself appointed as interim general secretary – a post that the AIADMK decided not to fill as a tribute to Jayalalithaa. He used his brute majority among legislators, district secretaries, and members of the powerful General Council to achieve his long-cherished dream of anointing himself as Jayalalithaa’s political successor.

Also Read | AIADMK abolishes dual leadership, appoints EPS as interim general secy

How did EPS consolidate his position in AIADMK?

The message is clear: he is the boss till the time he is challenged. By removing OPS from the primary membership, EPS has cleared the way for his formal election as general secretary in the next couple of months.

Months after he assumed charge as Chief Minister, EPS accommodated OPS into his cabinet and agreed to be his deputy in the party at the behest of the BJP but used his political acumen and his powers to wean away whatever support base that Panneerselvam commanded in the party. In five years, he ensured OPS was a lone man.

Pointing to his support base, EPS got himself declared as CM candidate for the 2021 assembly polls and made sure he became the Opposition Leader. It was only fair that EPS occupied the position as he shouldered the entire burden of campaigning – the result was AIADMK winning 66 seats – the best performance in a losing election since its inception in 1972.

Read | AIADMK expels O Panneerselvam from party

EPS ensured that the party-led government completed his tenure, though with ample help from the BJP. He also used his political acumen to get the support of his colleagues from Mukulathors, a dominant community to which OPS and Sasikala belong, in running the government and party.

“He displayed smart political acumen when it was needed the most. He knew Sasikala will not be out of jail till 2021 and began sidelining her family members like T T V Dhinakaran. He inspired his colleagues to prevent them from siding with Sasikala after her release,” a senior leader told DH, adding that OPS should have seen this coming.

Taking OPS into confidence and leaving him in the lurch

Known to keep things close to his chest, EPS played smart by taking OPS into confidence when he was sending feelers to Sasikala – the two leaders were elected as coordinator and joint coordinator in December 2021.

In March this year, EPS extracted an assurance from OPS that he will not side with Sasikala but struck unannounced -- his faction raked up the demand for a “unitary leadership” at a party meeting on June 14 putting the OPS camp on notice.

EPS felt the dual leadership which gave equal powers to OPS was hindering him from exercising his independent self. The developments over the week displayed EPS’ political astuteness – he invoked the ‘right to silence’ that put the rival OPS camp on the defensive as their support base dwindled.

“He adopted the same strategy in 2020 when he wanted himself to be the Chief Ministerial candidate. His faction made the demand and EPS ensured OPS came around and proposed his name. He wanted to emulate the same strategy this time. When it failed, he went to kill and got OPS isolated,” another leader said.

With the AIADMK now in his firm control with opponents being neutralized, EPS can focus all his attention on “cornering” the ruling DMK and preventing ally BJP from being in the political and media limelight.

Challenges and dealing with BJP

His challenges now include running the party smoothly, dealing with the BJP especially vis-à-vis the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, and countering the narrative that AIADMK is “ineffective” as opposition. He has to retrieve the party's sullen image, thanks to the internal wranglings for the past five years.

BJP realised EPS was a tough bargainer and that he can't be handled like OPS when he ensured that the efforts by BJP’s Amit Shah to take V K Sasikala and her nephew T T V Dhinakaran back into the party or alliance for the 2021 polls failed.

It may have been simply unplanned but Annamalai and C T Ravi, BJP’s TN in-charge, calling on EPS seeking support for Draupadi Murmu first, and OPS next speaks volumes about who holds the “real power” in AIADMK.

With the Lok Sabha polls just two years away, the BJP may just accept EPS’ ascension and work with him. EPS doesn’t have much of a choice when it comes to an alliance with BJP though the general opinion in AIADMK is that the saffron party, for now, is more of a baggage than a value addition to AIADMK.

How will he run the party – imposing a ‘military-like discipline’ of Jayalalithaa’s times or a bit democratic is yet to be seen, but he has to take the Mukulathors, who have stood with the AIADMK for long, and leaders from other castes along with him. EPS took the first step immediately after his appointment by naming Dindigul C Sreenivasan in place of OPS as the treasurer. Sreenivasan is a Mukkulathor like OPS.

'Situation forced EPS’ elevation'

This is not just to deflect the criticism that he was converting AIADMK into a “Gounder party” but also to ensure that his leadership doesn’t come under the scrutiny and give way for any dissent. Challenges for EPS are also in the form of court cases against him, especially the DMK government reopening the 2017 case involving the break-in of Jayalalithaa’s Kodanad bungalow.

Prof Ramu Manivannan, former Head of the Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Madras, said the election of Palaniswami was the demand of the time, mainly because of the erosion that the party may be facing from BJP’s encroachment.

“The crisis within the party demanded a resurgence and the party might have felt EPS is much better than OPS who surrendered the AIADMK to the BJP. The party needs rejuvenation, and the circumstances are forcing it towards the move. The cadre is the force of the AIADMK, and they are now rallying the party,” Manivannan told DH.