'Achche Din' and evolving RSS-BJP ties

RSS–BJP ties reflect a long history of organisational dependence and ideological mentorship

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) sarsanghchalak (chief) Mohan Bhagwat recently remarked, during an outreach programme at Mumbai, that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP's) achche din are because of the RSS — and not the other way around. His comment needs to be understood in a larger ideological context, in terms of both the RSS’ functioning, and its evolving relationship with the BJP.

The RSS’ core principle is to prepare ideologically-driven workers of strong character who are committed to Hindutva and nation-building. While some stay back in the organisation to expand its daily shakhas (local units), which are the backbone of the RSS, others move into different fields, from education to politics. Over the course of time, they have set up different organisations the RSS considers its ideological mentees. Today, there are around three dozen such bodies, with the BJP being one of them.

Within the BJP and other RSS-inspired organisations, workers from the RSS fall into two categories: those who joined voluntarily, and those who were specifically ‘loaned’ out to the BJP at the latter’s request. Trained in organisation building, the RSS workers often work as organising secretaries and deputies at the national and state units of the BJP.

This evolving relationship started in 1951, when Syama Prasad Mookerji founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh,  the BJP’s predecessor. Though not an RSS swayamsevak, Mookerji wanted to build a party capable of challenging the Left and Nehruvian politics. He approached the second RSS chief, M S Golwalkar, who deputed its full-time workers such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Nanaji Deshmukh, along with leaders like L K Advani, K R Malkani, and many others, to strengthen the BJS. The BJS merged with the Janata Party in 1977, and after the collapse of the Janata Party government, the BJP was formed in 1980. The same arrangement that was there with the BJS continues with the BJP.

The RSS and the BJP jointly work out this mechanism. But as both the BJP and the RSS have expanded, another qualitative change has happened in their relationship. While the requirement of the BJP to take support from the RSS has reduced, as the BJP’s cadre base has widened considerably across India, the massive increase in the RSS footprint has also increased the organisational responsibilities for Sangh workers and functionaries.

The RSS has too much of its own organisational work to handle, and it prefers a model where its ideological mentees become self-reliant. This spares the RSS many workers who would otherwise have to be deputed to these organisations, allowing them to focus on the RSS’ work.

Bhagwat also said in his Mumbai speech that the RSS doesn’t engage in ‘backseat driving’. This reflects the organisation’s heavy workload and preference to focus on its own expansion.

To put the RSS-BJP equation in context, one must revisit history. After its first ban in 1948, no political party stood by it as its cadre suffered at the hands of the Congress government. When the ban was lifted in 1949, the RSS debated whether it should enter politics or become a political party. It decided against it, believing that lasting transformation can only happen through a social and spiritual movement, not through politics, which has its own compulsions.

Bhagwat’s comments on the RSS-BJP ties must be seen as an evolving one. Analysing it without understanding this history, would be a futile exercise. His achche din remark must be seen from this perspective.

Arun Anand has authored several books on the RSS

Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.