Rising tide of atrocities against Dalits

Contrary to popular belief, the issues Dalits face cannot be addressed merely in electoral or political terms.

The rising atrocities against Dalits across the states in India are worrisome for any progressive and civilised society. As per the ‘Crime in India, 2022’ report published by the National Crime Records Bureau, Union Ministry of Home Affairs, the atrocities against Dalits increased manifold in 2022 from the previous years.

Eight states that recorded the highest number of atrocities against Dalits are: Uttar Pradesh (15,368), Rajasthan (8,952), Madhya Pradesh (7,733), Bihar (6,509), Odisha (2,902), Maharashtra (2,743), Andhra Pradesh (2,315), and Karnataka (1,977). This indicates that atrocities against Dalits continue irrespective of the political party in power. Uttar Pradesh under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Rajasthan earlier under the Congress, and Bihar under the Rashtriya Janata Dal-Janata Dal United alliance could not curtail the increasing violence against Dalits despite their tall claims of social justice. The inference to draw from here is that contrary to popular belief the issues Dalits face cannot be addressed merely in electoral/political terms. Dalit issues are much deeper and entrenched in social, economic, cultural, and structural domains.

Violence against Dalits is on the rise despite the constitutional safeguards and political representation. Dalit political leadership often remains largely ineffectual in forestalling the atrocities against their community. Then, the question to ask is: Why does violence against Dalits continue to rise despite the constitutional provisions? What are the solutions?

The causes are multifarious. First, the societal structure conditioned by Brahmanical order and caste hierarchies creates superiority and ascribes a psychological ascendancy among upper castes to control the lives of Dalits as they wish to do. The notion of caste superiority and pride has been structurally, systematically, and constantly manufactured, and often turns into violence. Instances like violence against Dalits for riding a horse, wearing chappals in public streets allegedly controlled by upper castes, and keeping a moustache are some of the manifestations of upper castes’ attempts to keep their superiority in virulent ways.

Second, the feudal equations across India are intertwined with caste and gender hierarchies, which create a power structure based on land possession and creates a congenial environment for violence against Dalits, especially in rural areas. Most of the Dalits are landless labourers, while the upper and middle castes possess large tracts of land, not only as a major source of revenue but also as a manifestation of their caste-class clout.

Due to the land possession, the intermediate castes, in particular, get confined within the rural, feudal, and patriarchal system without having any significant access to education, the service sector, and urban workspaces which in turn structurally leads to barbaric crimes and violence against Dalits. The dehumanising atrocities by upper castes in predominantly feudal areas continue, from urinating on Dalits to making them to drink urine, and forcing Dalits to lick the feet of upper caste people.

Upper caste people who have moved to urban centres have carried along their caste system beliefs while remaining the major beneficiaries of modernity. The caste hierarchy they ensue is largely covert. Urbanisation in India catalysed by globalisation has created new caste power lagoons in urban centres and benefitted upper castes due to the exploitative social structure and the possession of traditional capital.

Consequently, Dalits have become the exploited working class with low wages and minimal respect engaged in all menial jobs in cities facing new forms of caste violence. Manual scavenging is the most prevalent and inhuman form of caste violence that has often been normalised in upper-caste urban spaces.

Third, the power equation between gender and caste explains the violence against Dalit women. The caste structure through its notions of purity and pollution has made the Dalit woman’s bodies to be perceived as impure and polluted. The sacking of a Dalit woman cook for serving the mid-day meal in a school is one of the several instances showing how Dalit women are considered dirty, inauspicious, and impure. Dalit women are considered powerless and, therefore, subjected to atrocities and violence. The innumerable number of rapes of Dalit women and burning them alive is the case in this regard.

Fourth, lower caste positions conflated with lower class status have constantly subjugated Dalits into more vulnerable beings, both physically and psychologically. Subsequently, they are converted into low esteemed individuals with no power and resisting capacity.

Furthermore, the impassiveness of upper caste-dominated State structures including police, bureaucracy, and judiciary leads to an increase in violence against Dalits. The sense of impunity of the perpetrators emanates from the support they get from their caste being in the power structures. The lack of fear of punishment after committing the crime also promotes violence against Dalits.

Finally, the political apathy and the nominal power positions of Dalits in the political parties and power corridors create a conducive environment for violence against them. Most of the Dalit representatives remain silent due to their submissiveness and loyalty to the political parties run by the upper caste morality.

Considering the above-mentioned multilayered reasons, the strategy to counter the violence against Dalits must be multipronged and long-term. A radical restructuring of the social structure is inevitable. A social transformation driven by the aspirations of a casteless egalitarian order shall start with democratising each family unit.

Social change must be enabled by an anti-caste pedagogy in schools, colleges, and universities. Eulogising caste identities by academicians, scholars, politicians, and celebrities, often interpreted as ‘normal’ and ‘harmless’, must stop. There must be a larger consensus on the maxim of ‘casting off caste identities’. More importantly, the State must take strong policy measures to educate its citizens to become responsible beings with an anti-caste morality.

The vision of a ‘Begumpura; A society without sorrow’ will not be a distant dream if every individual pledges themselves to distant themselves from their caste identities and embrace a social life based on mutual respect and maitree.

(Rehnamol Raveendran is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Allahabad.)

Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.