Tale of two realities: Indians helped make America great but face prejudice

Till recently, India was taking pride in what was considered its most valuable export – human talent to MAGA (Make America Great Again), a phrase popularised by Donald Trump. Undoubtedly, Indians have added more economic value to the United States than most other immigrant groups. To illustrate: every fifth immigrant who has founded a unicorn is of Indian origin; 9% of doctors in the US are Indians; and several major multinationals (Google, Microsoft, IBM, and Adobe, among others) are led by people of Indian origin, with hundreds more in key positions and thousands employed in highly skilled jobs.

Adding to the glittering list of American Nobel laureates are persons of Indian origin, such as scientists Har Gobind Khorana, S Chandrasekhar, V Ramakrishnan, and economist Abhijit Banerjee. Many other eminent intellectuals--scientists, economists and scholars in various disciplines – serve in American universities. Indian-origin persons have also held prominent positions in American politics: Kamala Harris, former vice president and a presidential contender; Vivek Ramaswamy, part of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) and now a candidate for governor of Ohio; Kash Patel, director of the FBI; and Tulsi Gabbard, director of National Intelligence.

In spite of the immense contributions of Indians across diverse fields, why did Trump choose to deport Indian illegal immigrants in such a humiliating manner, bound in chains? According to the Migration Policy Institute, there are 11.3 million unauthorised immigrants in the US, of whom Indians constitute just 3% (around 375,000). The puzzling question remains: Why was such inhuman treatment meted out to Indian deportees but not those from other countries like China and Pakistan? Can one surmise that Trump is unable to tolerate a democratic Asian country admired by international leaders across the globe?

It is not as if the deportation of illegal immigrants is new. Between 2009 and 2016, about 6,000 Indians were deported during the Obama administration; during Trump’s first term (2019-2022), around 1,550 were deported annually; and under Biden, the number has been around 900. None of this attracted major headlines. India, as a matter of policy, has not supported illegal emigration and has always cooperated in bringing its citizens back. When Sushma Swaraj was Minister for External Affairs, she successfully brought back over 90,000 Indians, ensuring their dignified return.

Has the Ministry of External Affairs failed in this instance – despite being headed by a highly knowledgeable and efficient minster -- even after Trump explicitly stated that deportation would be a top priority? Or was this a case of quiet diplomacy, choosing not to raise the issue while Prime Minister Narendra Modi was engaged in discussions with Trump at the White House?

Historically, migration has occurred for centuries – within countries and across borders – through military conquests or the spread of religion and culture. India has long been shaped by waves of migrants: from the Greek invasion by Alexander the Great to the Kushans, Hunas, Muslim rulers, and Western colonial powers, including the Portuguese, Dutch, French and British. These invasions led not only to colonial domination but also contributed to India’s diversity. In recent years, however, international migration has new forms – emigration, immigration, and refugees – and has emerged as a complex issue. India too faces challenges with cross-border immigrants, particularly from Bangladesh.

A valid question arises: why do Indians migrate to the US in such large numbers? Interestingly, most of them come from three relatively prosperous northern states. Among the first group of 104 deportees who arrived in Amritsar, 33 were from Gujarat, 33 from Haryana and 30 from Punjab – largely from business communities and white-collar professionals. Clearly, it is not merely financial insecurity or job scarcity that drives them.

According to Krishnamurthy Subramanian, former Chief Economic Advisor to the Government of India and currently India’s Executive Director at the IMF, although India offers “unparalleled economic opportunities”, professionals are reluctant to return because of “poor urban infrastructure, long commutes, and air pollution.” One might also add poor governance. Many highly skilled Indians are reconsidering whether to return home. To truly benefit from its opportunities, India must invest in enhancing quality of life – “quality of life is the clinching factor”.

Quality of life is not just about infrastructure and physical amenities but good governance – and this is where India significantly lags, especially at the state and city levels. There is a lack of transparency and delays in service delivery – such as water and electricity connections, building permits, trade licences, and land conversions-- compounded by high levels of corruption. The regulatory regime remains rigid, whether in business or urban planning.

In the domain of higher education, where the US excels, India suffers from multiple shortcomings. Over one million international students study in the US, contributing billions to its economy. Most of the top positions in global university rankings are held by American institutions, while no Indian university features in the top 100. Public universities in India, particularly in states, are mired in problems—from delays in appointing vice chancellors and faculty vacancies to inadequate funding, administrative inefficiency, and corruption.

Improving quality of life, urban infrastructure and governance is essential, but takes time. In the short term, how should India respond to the Trump-era immigration policies? Indian diplomacy must work proactively to ensure fair treatment of Indian nationals in the US. In the case of illegal immigrants, a phased and humane repatriation process can be negotiated. Those with valid visas and green cards must ensure their protection from arbitrary action, as appears to be the case now.

Migration must also be viewed from a long-term perspective. Despite the current trends of deglobalisation and rising nationalism, migration is likely to continue. For many in poor and insecure regions, migration remains the only hope.

Climate change, which may render some parts of the world uninhabitable, will also drive future migration. The question is: where will migrants go?

In 2018, governments agreed to a “Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration” under the auspices of the UN for improved international cooperation on cross-border migration. Unsurprisingly, the US rejected the Compact.

As the Indian-American novelist, Suketu Mehta, aptly observed, “Never before has there been so much human movement. And never has there been so much organised resistance to human movement”. Perhaps never has there been so much turmoil about migration. It is time for a new Global Human Compact.

(The writer is a former chief secretary, Government of Karnataka)