<p>The Congress rode to power in Karnataka in 2023 with its “40 per cent commission” charge against the previous BJP government. Upon assuming office, the government set up the Justice H N Nagmohan Das Commission to investigate the allegations. </p><p>The commission’s conclusion was nuanced: although it did not find conclusive proof that every tender attracted a 40 per cent cut, it did expose delays, violations and nepotism that signalled entrenched corruption. </p> .<p>The Karnataka State Contractors Association (KSCA), which had repeatedly made the 40 per cent commission charge, submitted 1,593 pages of documents to the commission, but none contained evidence to substantiate its sweeping claims. </p><p>However, the panel did uphold allegations against BJP legislators G H Thippareddy and Roopali Naik, and confirmed graft involving PWD engineer S F Patil, based on contractor testimonies. In a previous report, the commission had flagged irregularities of over Rs 3,000 crore in the now-dissolved BBMP between 2019 and 2022. The government has just appointed a committee, headed by retired IAS officer Sudhir Krishna, to probe further. </p>.<p>The Congress government cannot afford to merely perpetuate the rhetorical “40%” figure. Corruption is difficult to prove as bribery often leaves no paper trail. Yet, traces are usually available, and these must be pursued through forensic and technical audits. Instead of flogging a dead horse with endless committees, the government must act decisively on actionable findings. </p><p>This pattern of appointing investigative bodies only to let their findings gather dust has become a familiar and troubling ritual. The Justice D’Cunha Commission report on COVID-19 procurement is a glaring example. </p> <p>It exposed egregious irregularities, including the purchase of PPE kits at Rs 2,000 each when they were available for Rs 350, award of tenders after single bids and to blacklisted firms, illegal procurements, and misuse of funds through unapproved labs. </p><p>The commission recommended criminal prosecution of former Chief Minister B S Yediyurappa and former Health Minister B Sriramulu, recovery of nearly Rs 500 crore, and disciplinary action against officials. Yet, here too, the government appointed an SIT and remained silent.</p>.<p>Such selective inaction fuels charges of “adjustment politics” between Congress and BJP—an understanding not to rock the boat. If the government is serious about fighting corruption, it must implement commission recommendations, pursue prosecutions, and recover public money. Ultimately, corruption corrodes not just state finances but also faith in democracy. </p><p>A government elected to end the “40% regime” must now prove its sincerity by bringing the guilty to book. Investigations must be independent, evidence-based and time-bound, without devolving into a witch-hunt. The people of Karnataka deserve more than slogans and dusty reports.</p>
<p>The Congress rode to power in Karnataka in 2023 with its “40 per cent commission” charge against the previous BJP government. Upon assuming office, the government set up the Justice H N Nagmohan Das Commission to investigate the allegations. </p><p>The commission’s conclusion was nuanced: although it did not find conclusive proof that every tender attracted a 40 per cent cut, it did expose delays, violations and nepotism that signalled entrenched corruption. </p> .<p>The Karnataka State Contractors Association (KSCA), which had repeatedly made the 40 per cent commission charge, submitted 1,593 pages of documents to the commission, but none contained evidence to substantiate its sweeping claims. </p><p>However, the panel did uphold allegations against BJP legislators G H Thippareddy and Roopali Naik, and confirmed graft involving PWD engineer S F Patil, based on contractor testimonies. In a previous report, the commission had flagged irregularities of over Rs 3,000 crore in the now-dissolved BBMP between 2019 and 2022. The government has just appointed a committee, headed by retired IAS officer Sudhir Krishna, to probe further. </p>.<p>The Congress government cannot afford to merely perpetuate the rhetorical “40%” figure. Corruption is difficult to prove as bribery often leaves no paper trail. Yet, traces are usually available, and these must be pursued through forensic and technical audits. Instead of flogging a dead horse with endless committees, the government must act decisively on actionable findings. </p><p>This pattern of appointing investigative bodies only to let their findings gather dust has become a familiar and troubling ritual. The Justice D’Cunha Commission report on COVID-19 procurement is a glaring example. </p> <p>It exposed egregious irregularities, including the purchase of PPE kits at Rs 2,000 each when they were available for Rs 350, award of tenders after single bids and to blacklisted firms, illegal procurements, and misuse of funds through unapproved labs. </p><p>The commission recommended criminal prosecution of former Chief Minister B S Yediyurappa and former Health Minister B Sriramulu, recovery of nearly Rs 500 crore, and disciplinary action against officials. Yet, here too, the government appointed an SIT and remained silent.</p>.<p>Such selective inaction fuels charges of “adjustment politics” between Congress and BJP—an understanding not to rock the boat. If the government is serious about fighting corruption, it must implement commission recommendations, pursue prosecutions, and recover public money. Ultimately, corruption corrodes not just state finances but also faith in democracy. </p><p>A government elected to end the “40% regime” must now prove its sincerity by bringing the guilty to book. Investigations must be independent, evidence-based and time-bound, without devolving into a witch-hunt. The people of Karnataka deserve more than slogans and dusty reports.</p>
