<p>The University Education Committee first recommended a three-language policy in 1948-49. At the time, implementing such a formula was seen as unnecessary and extravagant. Hindi itself was a minority language and did not hold precedence over other regional languages such as Kannada, Telugu, Tamil, Marathi, Bengali, Punjabi, Malayalam, Assamese, and Gujarati — all of which had longer histories and richer bodies of literature. Despite this, the commission envisioned Hindi eventually replacing English as the medium through which every Indian state could participate in federal functions.</p>.<p>The Government of India formally introduced the three-language formula in 1968 under the National Policy on Education. It was reaffirmed in 1986 and again in 2020 through the New Education Policy. The formula aims to promote multilingualism and national integration by ensuring that students learn three languages in school. However, its implementation has been contentious due to the country’s linguistic diversity and political sensitivities. While multilingual education fosters unity and learning, regional aspirations and linguistic identities pose challenges. The key lies in balancing national integration with linguistic diversity without imposing any language on any state.</p>.<p>In the post-independence era, particularly from the early 1960s to the late 1970s, a significant number of South Indians migrated to the northern and western India in search of employment. Few sought opportunities in the eastern part of the country. During this period, the political and economic environment was liberal, encouraging local populations to embrace migrants from various regions. As a result, inter-regional trade flourished, contributing to economic growth. South Indians also found jobs in central government departments, particularly in Delhi, where they faced no linguistic barriers throughout their careers.</p>.<p>Like my parents, many families from the four South Indian states migrated in search of livelihoods. Initially, they communicated with local vendors using gestures. Over time, they learned enough Hindi to converse, while also encouraging local milk, vegetable, and grocery vendors, as well as landlords, to learn Tamil. This exchange helped vendors expand their customer base within the South Indian community.</p>.<p>I am a Tamilian with roots in Palakkad, born and raised in Delhi. I completed my schooling at a Tamil-medium school established by the Tamil community to cater to Tamil-speaking families. In my early years, Tamil was the medium of instruction, while Hindi was introduced as a subject until the fifth standard. From the sixth to the eleventh standard, English became the primary medium of instruction, with Hindi and Tamil as optional subjects. Since the school was located in a residential colony in Delhi, most students naturally spoke Hindi, despite teachers primarily communicating in Tamil and discouraging the use of Hindi.</p>.<p>I share this story to emphasise that additional languages are best learned in a natural, friendly and inclusive environment, rather than through compulsion. The first generation of South Indian migrants did not formally learn Hindi, yet they communicated effectively. <br>The second generation, including myself, not only studied Hindi but also spoke it fluently with the local community. In some cases, locals could not distinguish between native Delhiites and the children of South Indian migrants.</p>.<p>Today, the environment has changed. Each state has become more self-sufficient in key areas such as education, healthcare, local transportation, and employment. Students naturally move to other states or even abroad for higher education and career opportunities, adapting to the local culture and language as needed.</p>.<p>Similarly, migration patterns have shifted. People from Bihar and Odisha now migrate to more developed states such as Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, and Andhra Pradesh for better livelihoods. They learn the local language for their convenience and comfort, without any coercion from state governments.</p>.<p>In contemporary India, the top five states in terms of development are in the South and West. Their success is not solely due to Hindi but because of their mother tongues and English, alongside Hindi.</p>.<p>The issue arises when the central government attempts to impose a language— particularly Hindi— on non-Hindi-speaking states. This has historically led to resistance, as seen in Tamil Nadu during the 1967-69 anti-Hindi agitations. The policy was eventually rolled back, and tensions subsided. However, the central government is once again revisiting the issue, and it remains to be seen how this will unfold.</p>.<p><em>(The author is an entrepreneur, corporate director and a freelance writer)</em></p>
<p>The University Education Committee first recommended a three-language policy in 1948-49. At the time, implementing such a formula was seen as unnecessary and extravagant. Hindi itself was a minority language and did not hold precedence over other regional languages such as Kannada, Telugu, Tamil, Marathi, Bengali, Punjabi, Malayalam, Assamese, and Gujarati — all of which had longer histories and richer bodies of literature. Despite this, the commission envisioned Hindi eventually replacing English as the medium through which every Indian state could participate in federal functions.</p>.<p>The Government of India formally introduced the three-language formula in 1968 under the National Policy on Education. It was reaffirmed in 1986 and again in 2020 through the New Education Policy. The formula aims to promote multilingualism and national integration by ensuring that students learn three languages in school. However, its implementation has been contentious due to the country’s linguistic diversity and political sensitivities. While multilingual education fosters unity and learning, regional aspirations and linguistic identities pose challenges. The key lies in balancing national integration with linguistic diversity without imposing any language on any state.</p>.<p>In the post-independence era, particularly from the early 1960s to the late 1970s, a significant number of South Indians migrated to the northern and western India in search of employment. Few sought opportunities in the eastern part of the country. During this period, the political and economic environment was liberal, encouraging local populations to embrace migrants from various regions. As a result, inter-regional trade flourished, contributing to economic growth. South Indians also found jobs in central government departments, particularly in Delhi, where they faced no linguistic barriers throughout their careers.</p>.<p>Like my parents, many families from the four South Indian states migrated in search of livelihoods. Initially, they communicated with local vendors using gestures. Over time, they learned enough Hindi to converse, while also encouraging local milk, vegetable, and grocery vendors, as well as landlords, to learn Tamil. This exchange helped vendors expand their customer base within the South Indian community.</p>.<p>I am a Tamilian with roots in Palakkad, born and raised in Delhi. I completed my schooling at a Tamil-medium school established by the Tamil community to cater to Tamil-speaking families. In my early years, Tamil was the medium of instruction, while Hindi was introduced as a subject until the fifth standard. From the sixth to the eleventh standard, English became the primary medium of instruction, with Hindi and Tamil as optional subjects. Since the school was located in a residential colony in Delhi, most students naturally spoke Hindi, despite teachers primarily communicating in Tamil and discouraging the use of Hindi.</p>.<p>I share this story to emphasise that additional languages are best learned in a natural, friendly and inclusive environment, rather than through compulsion. The first generation of South Indian migrants did not formally learn Hindi, yet they communicated effectively. <br>The second generation, including myself, not only studied Hindi but also spoke it fluently with the local community. In some cases, locals could not distinguish between native Delhiites and the children of South Indian migrants.</p>.<p>Today, the environment has changed. Each state has become more self-sufficient in key areas such as education, healthcare, local transportation, and employment. Students naturally move to other states or even abroad for higher education and career opportunities, adapting to the local culture and language as needed.</p>.<p>Similarly, migration patterns have shifted. People from Bihar and Odisha now migrate to more developed states such as Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, and Andhra Pradesh for better livelihoods. They learn the local language for their convenience and comfort, without any coercion from state governments.</p>.<p>In contemporary India, the top five states in terms of development are in the South and West. Their success is not solely due to Hindi but because of their mother tongues and English, alongside Hindi.</p>.<p>The issue arises when the central government attempts to impose a language— particularly Hindi— on non-Hindi-speaking states. This has historically led to resistance, as seen in Tamil Nadu during the 1967-69 anti-Hindi agitations. The policy was eventually rolled back, and tensions subsided. However, the central government is once again revisiting the issue, and it remains to be seen how this will unfold.</p>.<p><em>(The author is an entrepreneur, corporate director and a freelance writer)</em></p>